Carl Marzani

Carl Marzani


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Carl Aldo Marzani sündis Itaalias Roomas 4. märtsil 1912. Perekond emigreerus Ameerika Ühendriikidesse 1924 ja asus elama Scennonisse Pennsylvaniasse. Äärmiselt intelligentne poiss võitis ta stipendiumi Williamsi kolledžisse. Varsti pärast seda sai temast sotsialist.

1936. aastal võitis Marzani koha Oxfordi ülikoolis. Kuid Hispaania kodusõja puhkemisel liitus ta rahvusvahelise brigaadiga ja teenis anarhistliku juhi Buenaventua Durruti alluvuses. Aastaks 1937 juhtis ta Durruti kolonni üksust.

Marzani naasis ülikooli ja lõpetas juunis 1938. aastal bakalaureusekraadi kaasaegsetes suurkujudes, filosoofias, poliitikas ja majanduses. Ta liitus enne Ühendriikidesse naasmist ka Briti Kommunistliku Parteiga. Ta leidis tööd tööde edenemise administratsioonis (WPA) ja sai Ameerika Kommunistliku Partei liikmeks ning oli New Yorgi Alam -Ida poolse piirkonna organiseerija. Ta astus erakonnast välja 1941. aasta augustis.

Teise maailmasõja ajal liitus Marzani strateegiliste teenistuste bürooga (OSS) ja töötas aastatel 1942–1945 analüüsi osakonnas. 1945. aastal siirdus Marzani välisministeeriumisse, kus ta töötas luureameti esitluste osakonna juhataja asetäitjana. Marzani tegeles ülisalajaste aruannete koostamisega.

1946. aastal asutas Marzani Union Films, et teha ametiühingutele dokumentaalfilme. Jaanuaris 1947 esitati Marzanile süüdistus valitsuse välja petmises, saades valitsuse palka, varjates samal ajal Ameerika Kommunistliku Partei liikmelisust. Ta mõisteti süüdi 22.

Vabanedes avaldas ta Me võime olla sõbrad: külma sõja algus (1952), raamat, milles süüdistati Harry S. Trumanit külmas sõjas. Nüüd asus Marzani kirjastama ja asutas ettevõtte Marzani & Munsell. Marzani sõnul on ta spetsialiseerunud raamatutele, mis häirivad praegust olukorda.

Marzani keeldus tunnistamast, et Lee Harvey Oswald oli president John F. Kennedy tapnud üksikrelv. Ta avaldas sellel teemal mitmeid voldikuid. Ta avaldas ka Oswald, palgamõrvar või kukkumismees? (1964) autor Joachim Joesten. Joesten väitis raamatus, et Luure Keskagentuur, Föderaalne Juurdlusbüroo, Dallase politseiosakond ja rühm Texase parempoolseid naftamiljonäre pidasid Kennedy tapmiseks vandenõu. Ta süüdistas avalikult politseijuhti Jesse Curryt mõrva üheks võtmetegelaseks.

Victor Perlo, kommenteerides raamatut New Timesis, kommenteeris, et mitu kirjastust lükkas raamatu tagasi, enne kui Marzani selle vastu võttis. "Firma väärib raamatu avaldamise ja reklaamimise eest tunnustust, nii et müüdi lühikese aja jooksul tuhandeid eksemplare, vaatamata kommertsülevaatajate elektrikatkestusele. Kirjastus-toimetaja Carl Marzani toimetas käsikirja hiilgavalt ... See arvustaja lähenes Joesteni raamatule Hoolimata minu madalast arvamusest Dallase politsei ja FBI kohta, on mul olnud piisavalt kogemusi, et teada, et Ameerikas juhtub täiesti mõttetuid asju ... Kuid Joesteni raamat kustutas enamiku minu skepsisest. "

Peavoolumeedia eiras seda raamatut suures osas, kuid selle vaatas läbi üksildase relvamehe teooria tugev toetaja ja reporter Hugh Aynesworth. Dallase hommikused uudised, Toimetaja ja kirjastaja. "Joesten, endine sakslane, kes sai 1948. aastal USA kodanikuks ... väidab, et Oswald oli nii FBI kui ka CIA agent (kuidas on see 24-aastase mehega, kes ei osanud" randmet "kirjutada?) . See on sama vana haru koos mõne uue maitseainega. " Aynesworth kasutab arvustust Mark Lane'i kritiseerimiseks, kes oli teine ​​kirjanik, kes seadis kahtluse alla idee, et Oswald oli üksikrelv: "Lane on häirija, kes veetis jaanuaris oma uurimise ajal kaks päeva Dallases ja nüüd teeskleb end kõigi aspektide eksperdina kummalisest tragöödiast. "

Warreni komisjoni aruande avaldamise kohta kaitses I. F. Stone seda ajakirjas I. Kivi nädalaleht, "Ma usun, et komisjon on teinud esmaklassilist tööd tasemel, mis teeb meie riigi uhkeks ja on väärt sellist traagilist sündmust. Ma pean juhtumit Lee Harvey Oswaldi kui presidendi üksikuks tapjaks otsustavaks." " Seejärel hakkas Stone vaatama Marzini, Thomas G. Buchanani ja Joachim Joesteni rolli kahes juba avaldatud raamatus, väites, et seal oli vandenõu: "Joesteni raamat on prügi ja Carl Marzani - keda Kaitsesin nõidade jahtimise halvimatel päevadel lahtiste süüdistuste eest - mul oleks pidanud olema rohkem avalikku vastutustunnet kui selle avaldamine. Thomas G. Buchanan, teine ​​nõiajahipäevade ohver, on oma raamatus sarnase prügi eest lahkunud. Kes tappis Kennedy? Kummaski raamatus ei saanud te arvata, et kanavaras on õhkõrn laksutamine, oletused, poolfaktid ja kogu vale ... Kogu oma täiskasvanuea ajalehemehena olen võidelnud, kaitses vasakpoolset ja mõistlikku poliitikat, ajaloo vandenõuteooriate, tegelaste mõrvamise, assotsiatsiooni ja demonoloogia süü vastu. Nüüd näen vasakpoolsete elementide poolt sama taktikat kasutavat vaidlust Kennedy mõrva ja Warreni komisjoni aruande üle. "

Carl Aldo Marzani suri 11. detsembril 1994.

Olen kogu oma täiskasvanuea ajalehemehena võidelnud vasakpoolsete ja terve poliitika kaitseks ajaloo vandenõuteooriate, tegelaste mõrvamise, assotsiatsiooni ja demonoloogia süütegude vastu. Nüüd näen vasakpoolsete elementide poolt sama taktikat kasutavat vaidlust Kennedy mõrva ja Warreni komisjoni aruande üle. Usun, et komisjon on teinud esmaklassilist tööd tasemel, mis teeb meie riigi uhkeks ja väärib nii traagilist sündmust. Ma pean juhtumit Lee Harvey Oswaldi kui presidendi üksiku tapja vastu otsustavaks. Juhtumi olemuse tõttu ei saavutata kunagi absoluutset kindlust ja neil, kes on endiselt veendunud Oswaldi süütuses, on õigus otsida tõendeid, mis võivad teda vabandada. Kuid ma tahan soovitada, et seda otsingut teostataks kainetel viisidel ja täie teadlikkusega.

Joesteni raamat on prügi ja Carl Marzanil - keda ma kaitsesin nõiajahi halvimatel päevadel lahtiste süüdistuste eest - oleks pidanud olema rohkem avalikku vastutustunnet kui selle avaldamine. Buchanan, teine ​​nõiajahipäevade ohver, on oma raamatus sarnase prügi pärast sisse läinud, Kes tappis Kennedy? Kummaski raamatus ei saanud te arvata, et kanavaras on õhkõrn laksutamine, oletades, poolfaktid ja kogu vale.


Carl Marzani - ajalugu

Carl Aldo Marzani paberite juhend TAM 154

Tamimendi raamatukogu ja Robert F. Wagneri tööarhiiv
Elmer Holmes Bobsti raamatukogu
70 Washingtoni väljak lõuna pool
10. korrus
New York, NY 10012
(212) 998-2630
[email protected]

Tamimendi raamatukogu ja Robert F. Wagneri tööarhiiv

Kogu töödeldud kollektsiooni poolt, töödeldud Ilene Magaras, 2009. Nicole Greenhouse muutis DACS -i nõuetele vastavust, et kajastada trükimaterjalide lisamist ja töötlemata materjalide lisamist, jaanuar 2014.

See leidmisabi toodeti ArchivesSpace'i abil 24. aprillil 2018
Kirjeldus on inglise keeles. kirjeldava arhiivi kasutamine: sisustandard

Ajalooline/elulooline märkus

Carl Marzani (1912-1994), itaalia-ameerika immigrantradikaal, oli lühidalt USA kommunistliku partei korraldaja New Yorgi Lower East Side'is, teenis Teise maailmasõja ajal strateegiliste teenistuste büroos ja seejärel lühidalt välisministeeriumis. poliitilise dokumentaalfilmi tegija, kuue raamatu ja paljude artiklite autor ning toimetaja ja kirjastajana tõlkis esmalt avaldatud osad itaalia marksisti Antonio Gramsci loomingust. Marzani kandis aastatel 1947–1950 peaaegu kolm aastat vangistust, kuna ta pettis Ameerika Ühendriike, varjates oma sõjaeelse partei liikmestaatust valitsusajal töötamise ajal. Ta elas ja töötas suurema osa oma elust New Yorgis.

Carl Marzani sündis Itaalias Roomas 4. märtsil 1912. Carli isa Gabriel oli sotsialist ja perekond emigreerus 1924. aastal Ameerika Ühendriikidesse, asudes elama Pennsylvania osariiki Scrantoni. Ameerikas astus Carl kaheteistkümneaastaselt esimesse klassi. Inglise keele paranedes sai temast silmapaistev õpilane ning 1931. aastal lõpetas Carl Scrantoni keskkooli ja sai stipendiumi Williamsi kolledžisse.

Kord ülikoolis sai Carlist tunnustatud sotsialist. Ta liitus tööstusdemokraatia liiduga ja kirjutas kooli kirjandusajakirjale lugusid, mis kajastasid tema veendumusi: Visand, mille toimetajaks sai ta teisel kursusel. Veel ülikooli ajal tutvus Carl naisega, kellest sai hiljem tema esimene naine, näitleja Edith Eisner, kelle lavanimi oli Edith Emerson. Marzani lõpetas summa cum laude Williamsi kolledžis 1935. aastal ja omandas inglise keele bakalaureusekraadi. Pärast kooli lõpetamist läks Carl New Yorki tööd otsima, mida depressiooni tõttu nappis. 1936. aasta suvel sai ta Williamsi kolledžist teate, et talle on omistatud Moody stipendium Oxfordi ülikoolile.

Oma elu praegusel hetkel pidas Carl end "kergeks radikaaliks". Ta teadis kommunismist vähe ja polnud marksismist midagi lugenud. See aga muutus teel Inglismaale Oxfordi õppima 1936. aasta augusti lõpus, kui ta luges Trotski raamatut Vene revolutsiooni ajalugu, mis avaldas talle sügavat mõju. 1936. aastal puhkes Hispaania kodusõda ja sai teatavaks, et Mussolini toetab Francot lennukite ja vägede saatmisega. 1936. aasta lõpus kuni 1937. aasta alguseni oli Carl Hispaania juhtivate anarhistide vägede Durruti kolonni liige. Seejärel naasis ta õpingute lõpetamiseks Oxfordi ja abiellus 12. märtsil 1937. Oxfordis Edithiga. Juunis 1938 sai Carl bakalaureusekraadi kaasaegse suurfilosoofia, poliitika ja majanduse alal. Kui Carl oli Hispaanias, sai Edithist kommunist. Edithi mõjul liitus Marzani Briti Kommunistliku Parteiga ja temast sai Lõuna -Midlandsi ringkonna laekur. 1938. aasta suvel lahkusid Carl ja Edith Oxfordist 500 dollariga ning rändasid mööda maailma ringi, külastades Indiat, Indokiinat, Hiinat, Jaapanit ja Euroopat ning kasutasid oma kommunistlikke kontakte Nehru ja teiste oluliste radikaalidega kohtumiseks.

1939. aasta mais naasid marzaanid Ameerikasse, kus nad kolisid New Yorgi Lower East Side'i. Kuna neil oli raske ots otsaga kokku tulla, said nad kergendust ja said hiljem tööde edenemise administratsiooni (WPA) kaudu tööd. Carl ja Edith ühinesid mõlemad USA kommunistliku parteiga, kandes nime Tony Whales ja Edith Charles. Marzani WPA ülesanne oli töötada New Yorgi ülikoolis sissetulekuõppega. WPA -st asus Marzani abiõpetaja ametikohale ja ülendati seejärel juhendajaks. Selle aja jooksul oli Carl Lower East Side'i kommunistliku partei piirkonna organiseerija. Pärast Nõukogude Liidu pealetungi lõi kommunistlik partei populaarse antifašistliku organisatsiooni ja soovis, et selle direktoriks saaks Marzani. Marzani nõustus, kuid ta astus 1941. aasta augustis kommunistlikust parteist välja, sest tundis, et ei saa mõlemas ametis töötada.

1942. aasta alguses loobus Carl oma tööst NYU -s ja läks Washingtoni, et aidata sõjategevust. Aastatel 1942–1945 töötas Marzani kolonel William J. Donovani juhtimisel analüütilise haru strateegiliste teenuste büroos. 23. augustil 1943 kutsuti Marzani. Ta teenis kaks nädalat sõjaväe põhikoolitusprogrammis Virginias ja saadeti seejärel tagasi OSS -i. Varsti pärast seda sündis tema esimene laps Judith Enrica (Ricky). 1945. aastal siirdus ta välisministeeriumisse, kus töötas luureameti esitluste osakonna ülema asetäitjana. Marzani kõige olulisem töö oli sõjaväejuhtide jaoks ülisalajaste aruannete koostamine, keeruka statistika kogumine ja tulemuste edastamine kõigis meediakanalites, sealhulgas filmides. Samuti valis ta sihtmärgid Doolittle'i haarangule Tokyos, mis toimus 18. aprillil 1942.

Aastal 1946 otsustas Marzani riigiteenistusest lahkuda ning asutas ja juhtis filmidokumentaalfirmat Union Films, kellel oli lepingud United Electricali ja teiste ametiühingutega nende jaoks dokumentaalfilme teha. Tähtsaim film Tegevuse tähtaegAmeerika Ühendriikide elektri-, raadio- ja masinatöötajatele (UE-CIO) tehtud 40-minutiline dokumentaalfilm pani külma sõja eest suure vastutuse USA-le, seostades selle üha suurenevate rünnakutega ametiühingute vastu. Dokumentaalfilm ilmus septembris 1946, viis nädalat enne seda, kui Marzani lahkus välisministeeriumist.

Hoolimata Marzani auväärsest teenistusest OSSis, oli tema varasem liikmelisus kommunistlikus parteis ja Tähtaeg viis jaanuaris 1947 süüdistuse üheteistkümnekohalises süüdistuses kelmuses-ta sai valitsuse palka, varjates sõjaeelset kommunistliku partei liikmelisust. Sel ajal sai Edith teada, et ta on nende teise lapsega rase. 22. juunil 1947 mõisteti Carl Marzani Washingtoni föderaalkohtus süüdi. Apellatsioonikohus heitis üheksa loendit, ülemkohus (andes haruldase proovi) jagas kahel viimasel 4: 4. Marzani kandis kolmkümmend kaks kuud kolmekümne kuue kuu pikkust karistust.

Vanglas õppis Marzani ja tegi raamatule märkmeid, Me võime olla sõbrad: külma sõja algus(1952), näidates, kuidas Truman alustas külma sõda. 1947. aasta septembris sünnitas Edith nende teise lapse Anthony (Tony) Hugh. 1950. aastal üritas Marzani salakaubana välja toimetada käsikirja, mille kallal ta töötas, kuid tabati ja paigutati seitsmeks kuuks üksikvanglasse. Vanglas viibimise ajal kirjutasid Carl ja Edith üksteisele palju. Edith juhtis Union Filmsit, kasvatas nende kahte väikest last, toetas Carli ema ja võitles hulgiskleroosiga. Union Films volditi kokku 1949. aastal, pärast seda, kui New York City teda tsoonirikkumiste ja muude piirangutega ahistas.

Pärast vanglast vabanemist 1951. aastal töötas Marzani United Electrics Workersis, toimetajana UE korrapidaja, juhtimisajakiri, kuni aastani 1954. Sel ajal liitus ta Cameron Associatesiga, mida juhtis radikaalne toimetaja Angus Cameron. Koos juhtisid nad Liberty Book Clubi (asutatud 1948). Üks esimesi raamatuid ilmus Labor'i ütlemata lugu, USA töölisliikumise ajalugu, mis on avaldatud UE jaoks ja peegeldab selle seisukohti. Pärast Cameroni lahkumist sai ettevõtmisest Marzani & amp; Munsell, mis haldas raamatukogu-Prometheuse raamatuklubi. Märkimisväärsed Cameron Associates tiitlid sisaldasid: Valetunnistaja, Antonio Gramsci avatud marksismja Marzani autobiograafiline romaan, Ellujääja.

1960. aastal lahkusid Carl ja tema esimene naine Edith 1961. aastal ning lahutasid 1966. aastal. 1966. aastal abiellus ta lasteraamatute kirjaniku Charlotte Pomerantziga. Neil oli koos kaks last. Tütar Gabrielle Rose sündis 12. detsembril 1967 ja poeg Daniel Avram sündis 19. veebruaril 1969. Ka 1966. aastal hävis tulekahjus Carli kirjastusfirma Marzani & amp; Munsell. Seejärel ostis, renoveeris ja rentis Carl Manhattanil Chelseas neli pruunikivi (osast neist sai tema kodu). Marzani kirjutas ka Eurokommunismi lubadus(1981) ja neljaköiteline autobiograafia, Vastumeelse radikaali haridus(1992-1994).

1980ndate lõpus Carli tervis halvenes. Ta suri 11. detsembril 1994.

Musser, Charles. "Carl Marzani ja Liidu filmid Vasakpoolsete dokumentaalfilmide tegemine külma sõja ajal, 1946-1953. " Liikuv pilt kd. 9, ei. 1 (2009): 104-160.


Lahendamata Marzani juhtum

15. mai 2009

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I.F. Stone paljastab valitsuse ja süüdistuste ebaõigluse, ustava kodaniku Carl Marzani tagakiusamise.

Washington, 30. detsember

Tavaolukorras on Ameerika Ühendriikide Ülemkohtu kordusetendus raiskamine. Carl Marzani juhtumi asjaolud pole kaugeltki tavalised. See ebaselge endise valitsuse töötaja proovisüüdistus heidab pikenenud varju mineviku ja tulevaste lojaalsuspuhastuste peale. Riigikohus jagas pärast kaebuse ärakuulamist neli kuni neli ja teatas 20. detsembril ilma arvamust avaldamata, et madalama astme kohtu otsus on kinnitatud. Kinnitus tekkis meelevaldsest reeglist, et kui ülemkohus jaguneb võrdselt, antakse kahtlusest kasu pigem alumisele kohtule kui kaebajale. Reegel võib õiglasemalt toimida ka teistpidi. Süüdimõistva otsuse blokeerimiseks piisab ühest teisitimõtlejast žüriis, ühtlaselt jagunenud kohus kriminaalasjades näib olevat sama rikkalik, mis viitab põhjendatud kahtlustele.

Argument Marzani juhtumi kordusproovimiseks tugineb asjaoludele, mis panevad mõtlema, kas viiki ei õnnestu lahendada. Esiteks, kohtunik Douglase osalemisel poleks viigiseisu olnud. Põhjendamatutel põhjustel lahkus Douglas Marzani juhtumi vaidluse alustamisel pingilt. Puuduvad ilmsed põhjused, miks Douglas poleks tohtinud osaleda, sest ta ei olnud seotud justiitsministeeriumi ega välisministeeriumiga. Oleks ta teadnud, et kohus jaguneb ühtlaselt, oleks ta ehk teisiti käitunud.

Üks kohtunikest, kes otsuses osales, oli Marzani juhtumi arutamisel linnast väljas ja võttis sõna. Kui kohtunik Jackson oleks keeldunud hääletamast põhjusel, et ta pole suulist väidet kuulnud, oleks hääl olnud neli kuni kolm. Võib -olla pidades silmas lipsuga lahendamata jäänud küsimusi, võib Jackson Jackson olla valmis proovi andma. Kindlasti ei mõtleks ta juhul, kui ta kohtuasjas üksi istuks, otsustama ilma argumente kuulamata.

Teises kohtuasjas otsustati, et samal päeval oli kohtunik Jackson varem astunud ebatavalisi samme, et lahendada kohtus võrdne hääletus. Arvamuses, milles tunnistati tõsiseid kahtlusi oma kursuse õigsuses, oli Jackson Jackson sekkunud hääletama, mis lõpuks võimaldas kohtul ära kuulata argumendid oma pädevuse kohta sõjakuritegude puhul. Kohtunik Jackson kui Nurnbergi natside kohtuprotsesside osaleja väljendas kahtlust oma sekkumises Tokyos toimunud sarnaste kohtuprotsesside kaebuses. Ta lootis, et hääletades Hirota ja Doihara kaitsjate argumentide ärakuulamise poolt, veenab ta selget enamust oma kaaskohtunikest, et Ameerika Ühendriikide ülemkohtul ei ole rahvusvaheliste sõjatribunalide pädevust. Mõnevõrra ebaregulaarne manööver õnnestus. Kohtunik, kes Jaapani juhtumites lipsu katkestas, oli kohtunik, kes lõi lipsu Marzani juhtumis.

Marzani juhtumi puhul ei oleks proovi andmiseks vaja eeskirjade eiramist. Selge otsuse tegemiseks on kaalukaid põhjuseid. Kui lasta Marzani otsusel jääda poolthäälte pooleks, tähendab jätta lahendamata vastuolu kahe Ameerika Ühendriikide ringkonnakohtu otsuse vahel, mis sätestasid vastupidise tõlgenduse seadustest, mida Marzani juhtum pidi katsetama. Küsimus puudutab 1944. aasta sõjalepingute lahendamise seaduse sätet, millega peatatakse aegumistähtaeg kolmeks aastaks pärast sõja lõppu. Küsimus on selles, kas see kehtib ainult sõjalepingute ja muude sarnaste küsimuste kohta, mille puhul valitsust rahaliselt peteti, või võib seda laiendada mis tahes väärkajastamisele, mis on tehtud föderaalvalitsusega suheldes, kui rahalist kahju ei olnud, nagu Marzani juhtumi puhul.


Carl Marzani

28. aprillil 1966. a Carl Marzani oli esineja Herbert Apthekeri iseloomustusõhtusöögil. Õhtusöök toimus Herbert Apthekeri 50. sünniaastapäeva, tema 20. raamatu ilmumise ja Ameerika Marksistikauuringute Instituudi 2. aastapäeva puhul. See toimus Suttoni ballisaalis, New York Hiltonis, Avenue of the Americas, 53. -54. Tänav, New York. Enamik esinejaid, korraldajaid ja sponsoreid olid USA kommunistliku partei tuntud liikmed või toetajad.

Ürituse sponsor oli ka Marzani. [1]


Carl Marzani

Carl Aldo Marzani (4. märts 1912 - 11. detsember 1994) oli Ameerika vasakpoolne poliitiline aktivist ja kirjastaja. Ta oli järjest kommunistliku partei korraldaja, Hispaania kodusõja vabatahtlik sõdur, Ameerika Ühendriikide föderaalse luureametnik, dokumentaalfilmide tegija, autor ja kirjastaja. Teise maailmasõja ajal töötas ta föderaalses luureagentuuris, strateegiliste teenuste büroos (OSS) ja hiljem USA välisministeeriumis. Ta valis sihtmärgid Doolittle'i haarangule Tokyos, mis toimus 18. aprillil 1942. Marzani kandis OSSis olles kommunistliku partei liikmesuse varjamise eest ligi kolm aastat vangistust.

Marzani sündis Roomas, Itaalias. Perekond emigreerus 1924. aastal Ameerika Ühendriikidesse ja asus elama Scennonisse, Pennsylvaniasse. Carl astus kaheteistkümneaastaselt esimesse klassi, ei osanud inglise keelt. Ta lõpetas keskkooli 1931. aastal Williamsi kolledži stipendiumiga. Seal sai Marzani sotsialistiks ja liitus tööstusdemokraatia liiduga. Ta hakkas kirjutama ja sai kooli kirjandusajakirja toimetajaks. Aastal 1935 abiellus ta oma esimese naise, näitlejanna Edith Eisneriga, kelle lavanimi oli Edith Emerson. Samal aastal lõpetas ta William College’is summa cum laude inglise keele bakalaureusekraadi. Seejärel kolis Marzani New Yorki. 1936. aastal sai ta Moody stipendiumi Oxfordi ülikooli.

Kui puhkes Hispaania kodusõda, sõitis Marzani Hispaaniasse vabatahtlikuks vabariiklaste armeesse. Ta juhtis vägesid vabariiklaste vägede anarhistliku tiiva üksust Durruti kolonni 1936. aasta lõpus ja 1937. aasta alguses. Ta jätkas peagi ülikooliõpinguid ja juunis 1938 sai Marzani Oxfordist bakalaureusekraadi kaasaegsetes suurkujudes, filosoofias, poliitikas ja majanduses. Endine anarhistide toetaja muutis oma ideoloogiat radikaalselt, astudes Briti Kommunistlikku Parteisse ja töötades selle Lõuna -Midlandsi linnaosa laekurina. 1938. aasta suvel reisis Marzani koos oma teise naisega ümber maailma, külastades Indiat, Indokiinat, Hiinat, Jaapanit ja Euroopat, kasutades kommunistliku partei kontakte Nehru ja teistega kohtumiseks.

Pärast maailmaturneed naasid Marzanid Ameerika Ühendriikidesse ja said abi, valitsuse abi ja heaolu New Deal. Lõpuks said nad valitsuse tasustatud töökohad koos töö edenemise administratsiooniga (WPA), liitudes samal ajal CPUSA -ga valede isikute all. Marzani liitus CPUSAga 23. augustil 1939, päeval, mil allkirjastati natside-nõukogude pakt. WPA juhendajana New Yorgi ülikoolis, olles New Yorgi Alam -Ida pool Kommunistliku Partei piirkonna organiseerija. Pärast Saksamaa sissetungi Nõukogude Liitu 1941. aasta keskel sai Marzani populaarse rindefašistliku organisatsiooni direktoriks ja astus 1941. aasta augustis kommunistlikust parteist välja.

1942. aasta alguses, pärast Ameerika Ühendriikide osalemist Teises maailmasõjas, liitus Marzani Luure Keskagentuuri (CIA) eelkäija organisatsiooniga Strateegiliste Teenuste Büroos (OSS). Marzani töötas kolonel William J. Donovani juhtimisel aastatel 1942–1945 analüüsiosakonnas. 1943. aasta Venona projekti dekrüpteerimine Nõukogude spionaaži kaabliliikluse kohta teatas Ameerika koodnimega Kollega ("Kolleegium"), mille värbas Eugene Dennis, kellest sai hiljem CPUSA peasekretär. Kirjeldatud sõnum Kollega töötades "Fotograafia sektsiooni Pictural Devision" (sic), mida USA analüütikud tõlgendasid kui "tõenäoliselt sõjateabe büroo Uudiste ja funktsioonide büroo piltide osakonda" (OWI). [1] Seda on spekuleerinud mitmed autorid Kollega oli Marzani, [2] [3] kuigi seda on vaieldud. [4] 1945. aastal siirdus Marzani välisministeeriumisse, kus ta töötas luureameti esitluste osakonna juhataja asetäitjana. Marzani tegeles ülisalajaste aruannete koostamisega.

Aastal 1946 asutas Marzani ja juhtis filmidokumentaalfirmat Union Films, kellel oli dokumentaalfilmide tegemiseks lepingud Ameerika Ühendriikide elektri-, raadio- ja masinatöötajatega ning teiste ametiühingutega. Üks film pealkirjaga Tegevuse tähtaeg, vabastati septembris 1946, viis nädalat enne seda, kui Marzani lahkus välisministeeriumist. Film süüdistas külma sõda USA -s.

Jaanuaris 1947 esitati Marzanile süüdistus valitsuse väljapetmises, saades valitsuselt tasu, varjates samal ajal CPUSA liikmesust. Ta mõisteti süüdi 22. Marzani kandis kolmekümne kuue kuu pikkuse karistuse, välja arvatud neli kuud.

Vanglas alustas Marzani tööd raamatu kallal, milles süüdistas president Harry S. Trumanit külma sõja alustamises. 1950. aastal püüti käsikirja vanglast välja smugeldada, paigutati ta seitsmeks kuuks üksikvanglasse. Raamat ilmus 1952. aastal nimega Me võime olla sõbrad: külma sõja algus.

Union Films lõpetas oma tegevuse vanglas viibimise ajal. Pärast vabanemist 1951. aastal toimetas Marzani UE korrapidaja Ühendatud elektritöötajate jaoks kuni aastani 1954. Samal aastal liitus ta Cameron Associatesiga ja tegi Angus Cameroniga koostööd Liberty Book Clubi juhtimiseks. Liberty Book Clubist sai lõpuks Marzani & amp; Munsell, mis haldas raamatukogu-Prometheus Book Club. Oma karjääri selles faasis oli Marzani kontaktiks Nõukogude salapolitsei agentuurile KGB ja KGB subsideeris tema kirjastust 1960. aastatel, vastavalt 1994. aastal pensionile jäänud KGB ohvitseri Oleg Kalugini väidetele.

Marzani oli üks intervjueeritavatest Vivian Gornicki raamatus 1977, Ameerika kommunismi romantika. Nagu teisedki intervjueeritavad, varjas Marzani varjunimega „Eric Lanzetti”. [5] [6]


Carl Marzani

Carl Aldo Marzani (4. märts 1912-11. detsember 1994) oli Itaalia päritolu vasakpoolne poliitiline aktivist ja kirjastaja. Ta oli järjest kommunistliku partei korraldaja, Hispaania kodusõja vabatahtlik sõdur, Ameerika Ühendriikide föderaalse luureametnik, dokumentaalfilmide tegija, autor ja kirjastaja. Teise maailmasõja ajal töötas ta föderaalses luureagentuuris, strateegiliste teenuste büroos (OSS) ja hiljem USA välisministeeriumis. Ta valis sihtmärgid Doolittle'i haarangule Tokyos, mis toimus 18. aprillil 1942. Marzani kandis peaaegu kolm aastat vangistust, kuna oli OSS -is olles varjanud oma USA Kommunistliku Partei (CPUSA) liikmesust.

Marzani sündis Roomas, Itaalias. Perekond emigreerus 1924. aastal Ameerika Ühendriikidesse ja asus elama Scennonisse, Pennsylvaniasse. Carl astus kaheteistkümneaastaselt esimesse klassi, ei osanud inglise keelt. Ta lõpetas keskkooli 1931. aastal Williamsi kolledži stipendiumiga. Seal sai Marzanist sotsialist ja ta liitus tööstusdemokraatia liiduga. Ta hakkas kirjutama ja sai kooli kirjandusajakirja toimetajaks. Aastal 1935 abiellus ta oma esimese naise, näitlejanna Edith Eisneriga, kelle lavanimi oli Edith Emerson. Samal aastal lõpetas ta William College’is summa cum laude inglise keele bakalaureusekraadi. Seejärel kolis Marzani New Yorki. 1936. aastal sai ta Moody stipendiumi Oxfordi ülikooli.

Kui puhkes Hispaania kodusõda, sõitis Marzani Hispaaniasse vabatahtlikuks vabariiklaste armeesse. Ta juhtis vägesid vabariiklaste vägede anarhistliku tiiva üksust Durruti kolonni 1936. aasta lõpus ja 1937. aasta alguses. Ta jätkas peagi ülikooliõpinguid ja juunis 1938 sai Marzani Oxfordist bakalaureusekraadi kaasaegsetes suurkujudes, filosoofias, poliitikas ja majanduses. Endine anarhistlik toetaja muutis oma ideoloogiat radikaalselt, astudes Briti Kommunistlikku Parteisse ja töötades selle Lõuna -Midlandsi linnaosa laekurina. Suvel 1938 reisis Marzani koos oma teise naisega ümber maailma, külastades Indiat, Indokiinat, Hiinat, Jaapanit ja Euroopat, kasutades kommunistliku partei kontakte Jawaharlal Nehru jt kohtumiseks.

Pärast maailmaturneed naasid Marzanid Ameerika Ühendriikidesse ja said abi, Saksamaa sissetung Nõukogude Liitu 1941. aasta keskel, Marzani sai populaarse rindefašistliku organisatsiooni direktoriks ja astus 1941. aasta augustis kommunistlikust parteist välja.

1942. aasta alguses pärast USA liitumist luure keskagentuuriga (CIA). Marzani töötas kolonel William J. Donovani juhtimisel aastatel 1942–1945 analüüsiosakonnas. 1943. aasta Venona projekti dekrüpteerimine Nõukogude spionaaži kaabliliikluse kohta teatas Ameerika koodnimega Kollega ("Kolleegium"), mille värbas Eugene Dennis, kellest sai hiljem CPUSA peasekretär. Kirjeldatud sõnum Kollega töötades "Fotograafia sektsiooni Pictural Devision" (sic), mida USA analüütikud tõlgendasid kui "tõenäoliselt sõjaosakonna uudiste ja funktsioonide büroo piltide osakonda" (OWI). [1] Seda on spekuleerinud mitmed autorid Kollega oli Marzani, [2] [3] kuigi seda on vaieldud. [4] 1945. aastal siirdus Marzani välisministeeriumisse, kus ta töötas luureameti esitluste osakonna juhataja asetäitjana. Marzani tegeles ülisalajaste aruannete koostamisega.

Aastal 1946 asutas Marzani ja juhtis filmidokumentaalfirmat Union Films, kellel oli dokumentaalfilmide tegemiseks lepingud Ameerika Ühendriikide elektri-, raadio- ja masinatöötajatega ning teiste ametiühingutega. Üks film pealkirjaga Tegevuse tähtaeg, vabastati septembris 1946, viis nädalat enne seda, kui Marzani lahkus välisministeeriumist. Film süüdistas külma sõda USA -s.

Jaanuaris 1947 esitati Marzanile süüdistus valitsuse välja petmises, saades valitsuselt tasu, varjates samal ajal CPUSA liikmesust. Ta mõisteti süüdi 22. Marzani kandis kolmekümne kuue kuu pikkuse karistuse, välja arvatud neli kuud.

Vanglas alustas Marzani tööd raamatu kallal, milles süüdistas president Harry S. Trumanit külma sõja alustamises. 1950. aastal püüti käsikirja vanglast välja smugeldada, paigutati ta seitsmeks kuuks üksikvanglasse. Raamat ilmus 1952. aastal nimega Me võime olla sõbrad: külma sõja algus.

Union Films lõpetas oma tegevuse vanglas viibimise ajal. Pärast vabanemist 1951. aastal toimetas Marzani UE korrapidaja Ühendatud elektritöötajate jaoks kuni aastani 1954. Samal aastal liitus ta Cameron Associatesiga ja tegi Angus Cameroniga koostööd Liberty Book Clubi juhtimiseks. Liberty Book Clubist sai lõpuks Marzani & Munsell, mis haldas raamatukogu-Prometheus Book Club. Oma karjääri selles faasis oli Marzani kontaktiks Nõukogude salapolitsei agentuurile KGB ja KGB subsideeris tema kirjastust 1960. aastatel, vastavalt 1994. aastal pensionile jäänud KGB ohvitseri Oleg Kalugini väidetele.

Marzani oli üks intervjueeritavatest Vivian Gornicki raamatus 1977, Ameerika kommunismi romantika. Nagu teisedki intervjueeritavad, varjas Marzani varjunimega „Eric Lanzetti”. [5] [6]

In later years, Marzani seems to have moved away from his Old Left roots. In 1972 he authored Wounded Earth, [7] a well-respected book on environmental matters, at that time an unusual interest for a man associated with orthodox Marxism. In a 1976 article for the periodical In These Times, [8] he spoke respectfully of the Club of Rome, a think-tank formed by a group of Italian industrialists in 1968 "it is a highly sophisticated group, the most thoughtful representatives of European capitalism". In a note appended to the article he commented "I have only two claims to fame : that I was the first political prisoner of the Cold War and that I wrote the first revisionist history of it." He continued to proclaim his newfound revisionism in his 1981 book The Promise of Eurocommunism. [9]


Varajane elu

Swiss psychiatrist Carl Gustav Jung was born July 26, 1875, in Kesswil, Switzerland. The only son of a Protestant clergyman, Jung was a quiet, observant child who packed a certain loneliness in his single-child status. However, perhaps as a result of that isolation, he spent hours observing the roles of the adults around him, something that no doubt shaped his later career and work.

Jung&aposs childhood was further influenced by the complexities of his parents. His father, Paul, developed a failing belief in the power of religion as he grew older. Jung&aposs mother, Emilie, was haunted by mental illness and, when her boy was just three, left the family to live temporarily in a psychiatric hospital.

As was the case with his father and many other male relatives, it was expected that Jung would enter the clergy. Instead, Jung, who began reading philosophy extensively in his teens, bucked tradition and attended the University of Basel. There, he was exposed to numerous fields of study, including biology, paleontology, religion and archaeology, before finally settling on medicine.

Jung graduated the University of Basel in 1900 and obtained his M.D. two years later from the University of Zurich.


Mees kõigile aastaaegadele

Percy Brazil lives in Connecticut and is a director of the Monthly Review Foundation.

In recent years four remarkable and quite disparate stalwarts of the left have died, but not without each leaving his own quintessential and characteristic hallmark. Although each was profoundly different from the others, they had much in common for, as I will argue, their core was identical.

The four horsemen of the left were Paul Sweezy, Angus Cameron, Daniel Singer, and the subject of this review, Carl Marzani. I knew them all they were my close friends.

Sweezy, the son of a vice president of the First National Bank of New York, was born and raised in Englewood, New Jersey, where J. P. Morgan and other financial types lived. He went to Harvard and earned degrees in economics. While there, he became an enthusiast of the Boston Red Sox. Cameron was an American born descendant of Scottish Covenanters (Reformed Presbyterians). Singer was a Jewish, Polish, English, French, middle-European secularist. And Marzani was a sui generis Catholic, Italian-American firecracker.

What was it that they had in common? What was their core? Sweezy was a nonsectarian Marxist whose only political party involvement was with the Progressive Party of Henry Wallace. Cameron distrusted political parties although he too was a Wallace activist in the 1948 presidential race. Singer, a disciple of Isaac Deutscher, described himself as a Luxemburgian socialist, and Marzani was a Gramscian ideologue. Of the four, only Marzani had a flirtation with a communist party (the British Communist Party, 1937� and the Communist Party U.S.A., 1939�).

Marzani was born in Rome in 1912, attended Catholic school, and was at one time an altar boy at a Dominican monastery. He and his family migrated to Scranton, Pennsylvania in 1924. His father worked as a coal miner, a laborer on the railroad, and finally a presser in the garment industry. His mother was a knitting machine worker. Carl went to school in Scranton and, although he spoke no English when he arrived in the United States, six years later he was offered scholarships at Hamilton College in New York (for $190) and Williams College in Massachusetts (for $450). He accepted the latter.

His classmates included Richard Helms (who later achieved fame and notoriety in the CIA) and Herb Stein (who became chair of Nixon&rsquos Council of Economic Advisors). In the class elections of 1935, Helms was perceptively voted “most likely to succeed,” receiving 52 votes to 7 for Marzani. In the “most brilliant” category, Marzani won with 42 votes to 23 for Helms, and Stein got 19. Years later, Helms, who lied under oath before a Congressional committee, received a slap on the wrist. Marzani, on joining the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) during the Second World War, withheld any mention of his earlier membership in the Communist Party. He did this with the full knowledge and acquiescence of the people involved in hiring him, all of whom were aware of his political past. The result was he was sent to prison for three years.

The story of how and when Marzani became a political activist is of great interest. As the most brilliant student of the year, Williams College sent him to Oxford University. He wanted to become a playwright, and at Oxford he immersed himself in drama (writing, directing, and producing plays). The August 4, 1938, 0xford Mail has a page describing a presentation of Chaucer&rsquos “Nonnes Preestes Tale,” with Professor J. R. R. Tolkein, and produced by Marzani. Hitler, Mussolini, and the Spanish Civil War made 1938 a year of ferment in Europe. I suspect the drama of those times made Marzani interested in politics, and he started attending Communist Party meetings at the university. He applied for, and obtained, membership in the British Communist Party. During the summer he vacationed in the south of France and crossed the border into Spain to see what was going on. He went to the front and joined up with the anarchist Durruti Column. The leaders of the column thought he was a Comintern agent and told him that he&rsquod better get out of the country. He was in Spain all of three days.

It turned out that he was at the same front as George Orwell, who came back from Spain a dedicated anticommunist. Marzani, however, came back from Spain a dedicated antifascist.

Nobody ever got rich being a lefty. Society rarely rewards such misguided souls. On the contrary, a pound of flesh is usually required, and each of our four stalwarts had to pay. At Harvard, Sweezy was passed over for appointment to a tenured professorship, despite Joseph Schumpeter&rsquos campaign on his behalf. Cameron lost his job as editor in chief at Little Brown. Singer left his job at the Majandusteadlane in order to write Revolutsiooni eellugu in 1968. Marzani was sent to prison for three years.

Nothing daunted them. Sweezy, who had already written the classic Theory of Capitalist Development, went on to write (with Paul Baran) Monopoly Capital, and with Leo Huberman founded Igakuine ülevaade in 1948. Harry Magdoff came on board in 1968 as coeditor of HÄRRA and together Sweezy and Magdoff wrote Reviews of the Month for HÄRRA, many of which were reprinted as pamphlets or collected into books.

Cameron spent ten years fishing, hunting, and writing books on the economy and globalization, and then started a publishing company (which Marzani later joined). Cameron also wrote the famous L. L. Bean Game and Fish Cook Book&mdashthe proceeds of which, he told me, enabled him to live a most comfortable life in old age and guaranteed his pleasure in a daily pre-lunch martini.

Singer went on to write three major works, The Road to Gdansk Is Socialism Doomed? and his last and defining book Whose Millennium? Theirs or Ours? He also was the European correspondent for the Rahvas for some twenty years. Gore Vidal wrote of Singer that he was “one of the best, and certainly the sanest, interpreters of things European for American readers.”

When Marzani came out of jail he decided to forego his ambition of becoming a playwright and would instead spend the rest of his life defending and promoting democracy. In the dark days of Truman, McCarthy, Jenner, Dulles, Parnell Thomas, and Eastland, he thought of himself as being part of the “American resistance.” This book, Rekonstrueerimine, is the fifth book of his extended memoirs, which are collectively titled, The Education of a Reluctant Radical. The preceding volumes, Roman Childhood, Growing Up American, Munich and Dying Empires, ja From Pentagon to Penitentiary combine to describe not only his life but also his times&mdashwhat Eric Hobsbawm has called “the extraordinary and terrible world of the past century.” Marzani takes you through his own involvement in the Spanish Civil War and the Communist movement of the late 1930s and early &rsquo40s his work in the OSS during the war and on the staff of the U.S. State Department after the war his documentary filmmaking for the United Electrical, Radio & Machine Workers Union (UE) his indictment and trials all the way up to the Supreme Court his three years in jail and then his becoming a writer.

His first book was We Can Be Friends: Origins of the Cold War, followed by a semi-autobiographical novel, The Survivor, and a book on ecology, The Wounded Earth. Altogether, after coming out of prison, Marzani wrote eleven books, many pamphlets, essays in Monthly Review, the Rahvas, ja In These Times, and a biweekly Letter from America in Ethnos, a Greek newspaper. He also made five documentary films.

Some have written that Orwell was the man of the century, but I submit that Marzani was a better man. When he was indicted in January 1947 his father was dead and his mother, a religious Italian immigrant woman without much formal education, was living with Carl and his family. She was terrified that her son might be sent to prison and cried inconsolably. Carl, in an attempt to mollify her, said, “All right, if you&rsquore going to break down I&rsquoll fix it. I&rsquoll go to the government and make a bargain. I&rsquoll tell them about my Communist friends.” His mother turned to him and cried out, “Oh, no. You can&rsquot, you can&rsquot do that.” It was the sanction Marzani needed, and he accepted his punishment. In contrast Orwell, who has been described as a supremely honest man, an honorable man, did not hesitate to inform on his friends to British intelligence. Which is more honorable? To go to prison, or to be a stool pigeon?

Italo Calvino, the renowned Italian journalist, resistance fighter during the Second World War, and one of the most important Italian fiction writers of the twentieth century, has written that Marzani was “The only man truthfully and completely in love with the United States&hellip.a unique man&hellipof hard coherence. He has succeeded in thinking in such a completely American idiom because he succeeds in making operative the enormous difference between Americans and Europeans.”

Those fortunate enough to have known Carl will remember that he was a conversationalist par excellence and a great raconteur. True to form this book is full of anecdotes about his encounters with such luminaries as W. E. B. Du Bois, Shirley Graham, Che Guevara, Fidel, Nehru, Ghandi, Gerhardt Eisler, Arthur Garfield Hays, Howard Fast, General Donovan, Henry Wallace, Chief Justice Vinson, Justice William Douglas, John Ford and many others. When he was jailed, more than a thousand prominent Americans signed a petition for his release, including three Nobel Prize winners (Einstein, Shapley, and Thomas Mann), and professors from Harvard, Amherst, Columbia, Yale, and Stanford. Also many clergy, lawyers, and writers such as Norman Mailer, Louis Untermeyer, and Millen Brand, and theater folk including Garson Kanin signed the petition. Why did all these people petition for his release? Well, simply because an enormous injustice had taken place.

It is instructive to consider the circumstances leading up to the Marzani indictment. After the Second World War, Congress enacted the False Claim Statute, which extended the usual statute of limitations and was intended as a means of prosecuting those corporations and businesses which had overcharged and defrauded the government during the war.

Marzani had already resigned from the State Department and had made a documentary for the UE. The movie, Deadline for Action, described how the J. P. Morgan Group controlled General Electric, U.S. Steel, and AT&T, and how the crippling of trade unions in 1919 had opened the doors to the pro-business administrations of Presidents Harding, Coolidge, and Hoover, and ultimately to the Great Depression. Leo Huberman called it “the best labor film ever made.”

General Electric bought eleven prints of the film, and it was reported that someone in corporate America had approached the Treasury Department seeking retribution. Apparently one of the lawyers on the staff of the Treasury Department came up with the theory that Marzani could be indicted for defrauding the government during the war, when he received a sergeant&rsquos pay in the OSS, for making a false and fraudulent statement by failing to disclose that he had previously been a member of the Communist Party. As Carl writes in this book, “The OSS was fully aware of my political past, before I was hired. All my superiors knew.” This has been confirmed by Professor Edward S. Mason of Harvard University who was the OSS representative in the intelligence arm of the Joint Chiefs of Staffs. Mason was responsible to General Donovan, and he had to approve Carl&rsquos employment.

There were eleven counts in the indictment, nine of which were thrown out. The remaining two had to do with the exit interview which Marzani had with a State Department officer, at which no notes were taken. The officer alleged that in the interview Marzani had denied his membership in the Communist Party. Marzani was found guilty. The Appeals Court upheld the conviction (despite a vigorous defense by Arthur Garfield Hays), and the case wound up in the Supreme Court. The Court at the time consisted of Chief Justice Vinson, and Justices Frankfurter, Black, Murphy, Rutledge, Reed, Jackson, Burton, and William O. Douglas. The Court split four to four, with Justice Douglas abstaining. A few weeks later the Court agreed to a second hearing of the case (only the eighth time in the history of the Court that it agreed to a rehearing). Marzani felt encouraged and believed that Douglas had changed his mind and was prepared to vote. When the Court reconvened, Douglas gathered up his papers and left the bench. Once again the Court split four to four, and Marzani went to jail.

Why did Douglas, a well known liberal who almost always voted with Black, recuse himself? It is believed that Douglas was positioning himself to be a presidential candidate in 1948 and did not want to be accused of being “soft on communists.” Apparently the Court was no less political then, than it is now.

As I have said, all of our four stalwarts were my friends. They were all quite different, but they all shared the conviction that the world can be and must be made a better place. They arrived at this conviction through different routes: Sweezy from a thoroughgoing analysis of capital Cameron through literature and simple humanity Singer as a journalist and historian and Marzani through politics and the struggle for civil liberties. I saw them frequently and visited with all of them when they were near the end of their lives. Sweezy, at age 93, was very much at peace and did not speak much, content to let his record and that of MR as a whole speak for themselves, but when I asked him what he thought of a certain radical thinker he was as sharp and critical as ever. Cameron told me that the great disappointment of his life was that he did not live to see the establishment of socialism in the United States. In the last week of his life, Singer said to me and my wife Gladys that humanity has for the first time in history, the ability to destroy itself, and may very well do so. (This view is echoed by Sir Martin Rees, The British Astronomer Royal, in his recent book, Our Final Hour, where he warns that humankind is potentially the maker of its own demise, and in this century.) Singer went on to say that to prevent such destruction of humanity it was essential for the people of the world to change the world system, and that unless someone came up with something better, he opted for socialism. He repeated a phrase that is now well known, “It is either one world, or no world.”

Marzani and I were very close friends for over forty years. He neither regretted nor apologized for his membership in the Communist Party. Like so many in those years, he was radicalized, not so much by left-wing ideology, as by the reality of the Great Depression&mdashbecause capitalism could not address the needs of the people of the world and it was not interested in doing so.

He left the party because of the arbitrary way it functioned, but chose not to follow the path of others who became professional anticommunists. Instead he chose the path of becoming an outspoken advocate of civil liberties, democracy, and a defender of human rights. This book which covers the period 1949� includes his “Prison Notebooks” (180 pages) which detail much of his life and activities in jail, and the events leading up to his indictment. In the last year of his life, Carl was quite ill, and he wrote and dictated much of this book while in bed. His wife, Charlotte Pomerantz Marzani, has marvelously and lovingly edited his words and, with the assistance of Carl&rsquos son Tony, has published this concluding volume of Carl&rsquos memoirs.

This book describes how he became a documentary filmmaker for the UE and then became editor of that union&rsquos newspaper, the U.E. Steward. He tells how he went on to become a book publisher (for both Liberty Book Club and Prometheus Books) and published and distributed books by Ring Lardner Jr., John Wexley, Claude Bowers, C. Wright Mills, Curtis MacDougall, Richard Boyer, Herbert Morais, Fred Cook, Rex Tugwell, Isaac Deutscher, Dalton Trumbo, William Appleman Williams, Alexander Solzehenitsyn, and W. E. B. Du Bois. That is quite a list.

Marzani also translated books. In 1957 he translated and annotated a collection of writings by Antonio Gramsci. The publication of The Open Marxism of Antonio Gramsci introduced Gramsci to the English speaking world. Carl spoke across the country for progressive causes. In addition to all this, he used his carpentry and plumbing skills to build the houses in which he and his family (and friends) lived: on Fire Island, in New York City, New Paltz, and Guanica, Puerto Rico. He was truly a man for all seasons.

There is an old adage that the essential meaning of life is to try and figure out who you are before you die. Carl told me that the reason he started writing his memoirs was so that he could figure out why he always ended up on the left. This book, and the preceding four, provide the answer. The complete memoirs of a remarkable life are now available. Now, to answer the initial question: What did these four stalwarts of the left have in common? Well, I will tell you swiftly. What they had in common was a core which they all shared, and that core, the very essence of their being is the soul of socialism.


Famous Weddings

    Former Senate Majority Leader Mitchell (61) weds sports marketing executive Heather MacLachlan (35) at St. Bartholomew's Episcopal Church in New York City

Wedding of Huvi

Dec 17 Actress Heather Locklear (33) weds Bon Jovi lead guitarist Richie Sambora (35) at The American Cathedral in Paris, France

Wedding of Huvi

Dec 17 Queen of Pop Céline Dion (26) weds her manager Rene Angelil (52) at Notre Dame Basilica in Montreal, Canada

    Actor Jason Hervey (22) weds Kelley Patricia O'Neill (27) President Clinton's brother Roger Clinton (37) weds 8-mo pregnant Molly Nartin (25) Billionaire J. Paul Getty Jr marries Victoria Holdsworth in Barbados

Accuracy in Media

As a student, Obama Supreme Court nominee Elena Kagan was so interested in the socialist movement that she wrote a thesis about its history in New York City from 1900-1933. But the history of the Progressive Party, which ran FDR’s former vice president Henry Wallace as its presidential candidate in 1948, helps bring the subject up to date and explains the current direction of the Democratic Party.

The Progressive Party was controlled by the Communist Party but efforts to work through the democratic process did not die out with its election defeat in 1948. Communists and “progressives” then targeted the Democratic Party for a takeover from within.

A semi-official history, in the form of the book, Gideon’s Army, was written by Curtis MacDougall, a professor of journalism at Northwestern University who also wrote Interpretative Reporting, a standard text in journalism schools for more than 50 years. MacDougall, who wrote critically (even in his journalism textbook) about efforts to expose communist influence in the U.S. Government, was himself a Progressive Party activist and candidate.

Not surprisingly, MacDougall’s influence was felt not only on generations of journalists, but on his own son, A. Kent McDougall, who was acknowledged in the 1972 edition of Interpretative Reporting as then being with the New York office of the Wall Street Journal and lending “valuable assistance” in its preparation. Kent came out openly as a Marxist after working at the Journal, where he said he inserted positive stories about Marxist economists and “the left-wing journalist I.F. Stone.” Stone, it turned out, was a Soviet agent of influence.

MacDougall’s 319-page FBI file, released to this journalist, revealed that he had a close association with the Chicago Star, a newspaper controlled by the Communist Party, and many different CPUSA front organizations. But the Star connection deserves special comment. The executive editor of the Chicago Star was none other than Frank Marshall Davis, a Communist Party member who would later become President Barack Obama’s childhood mentor in Hawaii and was active in the Hawaii Democratic Party.

In 1948, notes historian David Pietrusza, Davis’s Chicago-based paper, the Chicago Star, wholeheartedly backed Henry Wallace. That summer, he adds, the Progressive Party “apparatus” converted the paper into the Illinois Standard, thus enabling Davis to relocate to Hawaii on the advice of fellow Progressive Party activist Paul Robeson. Robeson, it turned out, was a secret member of the Communist Party.

It is significant that MacDougall’s history of the Progressive Party, Gideon’s Army, was published by Italian-born American Communist Carl Marzani, who served a prison term for perjury in falsely denying, while employed by the State Department, that he was a Communist Party member. His publishing house, Marzani and Munsell, was subsidized by the Soviet KGB.

However, the history of the “progressive tradition” issued by the Center for American Progress (CAP) ignores all of this. It claims:

“With the rise of the contemporary progressive movement and the election of President Barack Obama in 2008, there is extensive public interest in better understanding the origins, values, and intellectual strands of progressivism.

“Who were the original progressive thinkers and activists? Where did their ideas come from and what motivated their beliefs and actions? What were their main goals for society and government?

“The new Progressive Tradition Series from the Center for American Progress traces the development of progressivism as a social and political tradition stretching from the late 19th century reform efforts to the current day.”

Unfortunately, this series ignores the role of the Progressive Party of 1948 and the Communist Party influence in it.

Raamat, The Power of Progress, written by CAP President John Podesta (with John Halpin), is a bit more open and honest. It does mention the communist influence in the Progressive Party, noting the “perceived tolerance of communists within the 1948 Progressive Party” and quoting leading liberals such as Arthur Schlesinger as saying that “the political tolerance of an illiberal creed like communism, coupled with progressives’ earlier isolationism, could not hold during a time of ideological struggle with a spreading Soviet empire.”

But the use of the word “perceived” is interesting.

It is important to note that Podesta apparently does not regard communism as an “illiberal creed.” After all, Podesta strongly defended communist Van Jones, before and after he was fired by the White House.

Podesta’s book goes on to say that “The practical application of many of these fiercely anti-communist positions quickly became problematic for many progressives” because of the loyalty reviews ordered by President Truman and “the overt Red-baiting of Joe McCarthy and [FBI Director J. Edgar] Hoover…” The loyalty reviews were designed to make sure that government employees were loyal Americans and not sympathetic to communism.

Why the use of the term “fiercely” anti-communist? Can one be too strongly opposed to an ideology that has resulted in 100 million deaths?

Also notice how Democratic President Harry Truman has become a villain in the Podesta narrative, sharing equal billing with the “Red-baiting” Senator McCarthy and the FBI director. Such a formulation displays the ideological shift in the Democratic Party.

This is more evidence of how modern “progressives” have broken with the anti-communist liberal tradition.

The Van Jones Scandal

This attitude explains not only why Obama-friendly progressives associate openly with characters such as Van Jones but why the Obama Administration is virtually silent on the human rights violations and the pro-terrorist foreign policy of the Marxist Hugo Chavez regime in Venezuela..

Podesta notes in matter-of-fact language that “President Truman adopted a strong stance against communist expansion, first with the Truman Doctrine, which offered economic and military support to Greece and Turkey in repelling Soviet ambitions, and shortly thereafter with the Marshall Plan, which provided $13 billion to help rebuild the economies of Europe and prevent the rise of communism still in ruin from the war.”

But Podesta writes critically when he says that the “hard line of liberal thinking”—that, is, liberal anti-communism—took the form of “Vowing never to bend to communist aggression anywhere in the world” and President Johnson’s escalation of the war in Vietnam.

Podesta writes this as if he had been willing to consign Vietnam to the communist camp from the beginning. Not only that, but he writes that the liberal anti-communists “firmly rejected the belief that there could be any acceptance of domestic communism within the larger liberal project.”

This, then, is quite explicit and revealing. Judging by Podesta’s embrace of communist Van Jones, it is clear that he—and CAP—currently accept communists as being part of “the larger liberal project.”

This helps explain why a CAP history of the progressive tradition would ignore the lasting influence of Henry Wallace’s Progressive Party and how communists continue to work and operate in the “progressive” movement and even influence their hero, President Obama.

Far beyond mere tolerance, however, the communists ran Henry Wallace as the Progressive Party candidate for President in the1948 presidential election. A 1948 Communist Party election manifesto declared that “…in 1948 we Communists join with millions of other Americans to support the Progressive ticket to help win the peace. The Communist Party will enter its own candidates only in those districts where the people are offered no progressive alternatives to the twin parties of Wall Street.”

“In reality, many Communist Party operatives were in control of the Progressive Party. Before it was even formed the Communist Party merged two of its front organizations, the National Citizens Political Action Committee (NC-PAC) and the Independent Citizens Committee of the Arts and Sciences, to form the Progressive Citizens of America (PCA), which became the organizing tool for the Wallace campaign.”

Obama Supreme Court nominee Elena Kagan’s 1981 thesis at Princeton University was titled “To the Final Conflict: Socialism in New York City, 1900-1933.” However, she wrote that “In our own times, a coherent socialist movement is nowhere to be found in the United States.” This appears to be a comment on modern-day America, at least as it was in 1981.

Kagan’s verdict, of course, depends on how you define “socialist.” The modern socialist movement calls itself “progressive.”

Kagan’s thesis is well-researched and interesting, but only to a point. Professor Harvey Klehr told me:

“I scanned through Kagan’s undergraduate thesis. It is very well-written and well-organized, a very impressive piece of undergraduate writing. It is also pretty sound academically. She considers a variety of answers to the question that has perplexed lots of scholars like myself—and radicals—why no successful radical movement in America? Looking at the fate of the SP [Socialist Party] in NY is an interesting take on the problem and I thought her account was reasonably convincing. She seems to have used appropriate sources—although the footnotes were not attached to the version you sent, so I can’t tell exactly which ones she consulted. But it sounds as if she was pretty thorough.

“Although it is not pervasive, I sensed a lurking sympathy for the ‘left-wing’ of the SP, as representing a more militant and pure opposition to the depredations of the manufacturers and the inequities of the system. She acknowledges, however, the faults and flaws of both factions and makes clear that the Communists’ own disastrous policies helped destroy the radical movement in the ILGWU [International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union]. The conclusion bemoans the lack of unity that destroyed this radical movement and hints that that is one of the major factors in the failure of American radicalism. Not surprising coming from a 21-year-old college student.

“So, I would give her a pretty good grade for an impressive piece of scholarship for an undergrad. And, I don’t see anything here like a ‘red flag’ in regard to her present situation.”

Clearly, the “red flag” is not a 1981 college paper but why she is being pushed for a seat on the Supreme Court in 2010. The alleged “failure of American radicalism,” perhaps appropriate for a paper that covers 1900-1933 and written in 1981, is not so apparent these days.

Consider that, after his resignation from his White House job, Podesta declared that Van Jones “is an exceptional and inspired leader who has fought to bring economic and environmental justice to communities across our country.” When Jason Mattera staged an ambush interview and confronted Podesta about hiring Jones, Podesta replied, “Van Jones is trying to make this country a better place.”

If Podesta, who ran Obama’s transition team with Valerie Jarrett, is serious about these comments, then the “progressive” movement has become something that represents a sharp break with the liberal anti-communist tradition. It is no wonder that CAP doesn’t want the public to understand how communists once dominated the “progressive” movement and still manipulate it to this day.

Cliff Kincaid

Cliff Kincaid is the Director of the AIM Center for Investigative Journalism and can be contacted at [email protected] View the complete archives from Cliff Kincaid.

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Vaata videot: Sonata para flauta y piano, No. 3 Gaubert- Marzani y González