Laste tuunika Bütsantsi Egiptusest

Laste tuunika Bütsantsi Egiptusest


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Stiilne ja praktiline: mood Bütsantsi impeeriumis

Rikkalikult kaunistatud tuunika, 660–870 eKr Egiptus, Eshmunein. Gobeläänkudumine polükroomist ja värvimata villast tasapinnalisel värvimata villaga kantud ääristel mustri ja brokadeerimisvõimega polükroomvillast ja värvimata linast. MetMuseum.org kaudu.

Bütsantsi impeeriumi tõus nägi moes õitsengut. Rikas ja rikkalik impeerium peegeldus selle inimeste värvikirevates ja detailirohketes rõivastes, mis inspireerivad disainereid ja harrastajaid ka täna.

Osa sellest idast saadud inspiratsioonist oli üsna sõnasõnaline. Kaks Pärsia munka olid smugeldanud Hiinast välja siidiusse, viies nad Bütsantsi impeeriumi. Impeerium tootis seega tugevat siidikangast nimega “samite.

Vill oli ka oluline kangas Bütsantsi moel. “ Gobeläänist kootud villakatted sisaldavad figuraalseid ja lillemotiive, millel on peened värvid, et tagada varjund ja detailid. ” Need keerulised detailid lisasid rõivastele kulusid ja neid võeti sageli ringlusse (disain lõigatakse ära, kui rõivas muutub liiga kulunud ja kinnitatakse teisele esemele).

Värvi, tekstuuri ja kujundite kasutamine idamaises disainis leidis tee ka Bütsantsi kodanike rõivastesse. Kõrgema klassi rõivastel oli ilus ikonograafia ja piibellikud stseenid.

Kuna värv oli oluline ka Bütsantsi jaoks, kasutati väga rikaste rõivastes laialdaselt vääriskivivärve nagu punane, sinine ja roheline. Seda seetõttu, et selliste värvainete tootmine oli kallis. Lilla oli aga reserveeritud autoritasule.

Kristlus ja usk olid Bütsantsi impeeriumi keskmes, seega on mõistlik, et nende riided seda kajastavad. “Bütsantsi väljatöötatud eristavamate rõivaste hulgas olid need, mida kandsid vaimulikud kristlikus kirikus, ja#8221 just nagu olid kõige kallimad vääriskivid ja ehted keskajal vaimulikele reserveeritud.

Bütsants vältis piiravat, keerduvat Rooma togat, eelistades lihtsaid, voolavaid kujundusi (mida nad kandsid enne Justinianus Suure valitsemist). Bütsantsi kleit oli kantud kaela ümber, ulatudes randmeni, tagasihoidlikum kui Roman. Välja arvatud käed, nägu ja kael, ei näidatud liha, et jääda nende usust tingitud tagasihoidlikkusele.

Lihtne disain, tuunikat kandsid mehed ja lapsed. Naised kandsid pikemat, tagasihoidlikumat tuunikat, mis oli lihtsalt disainitud ja võimeline katma naise keha isegi raseduse ajal. Naised katsid juuksed ka pearätikutega. Jõukad naised kaunistasid oma rõivaid ehete ja aksessuaaridega nagu kellad.

Kõrgema klassi mehed kandsid klamme, õla külge kinnitatud poolringikujuline mantel. Senati liikmed “ […] kasutaks tabelit, värvilist paneeli rinnale või kõhuosa. Seda kaunistati sageli teatud värvides ja juveelides, et tähistada auastet isegi senaatoriklassi seas. ” Ei jõukad mehed ega rikkad naised ei kandnud mingeid sukki ega sääri (mõlemad olid seotud barbaritega).


Sisu

Bütsantsi impeeriumi varases staadiumis kasutati traditsioonilist Rooma togat endiselt väga ametliku või ametliku riietusena. Justinianuse ajaks oli see asendatud tuunikaga ehk pikaga kiton, mõlema soo jaoks, mille kohal kõrgemad klassid kandsid muid rõivaid, näiteks a dalmatica (dalmaatiline), raskem ja lühem tuunikatüüp, mida kannavad jällegi mõlemad sood, kuid peamiselt mehed. Hemid kõverduvad sageli alla terava otsa. The skaramangion oli pärsia päritolu ratsamantel, mis avanes esiosast allapoole ja jõudis tavaliselt reie keskosani, ehkki need on märgitud keisrite seljas, kui need näivad olevat palju pikemad. Üldiselt olid kõrgema staatusega meestel ja kõigil naistel, välja arvatud sõjaväelased ja arvatavasti ratsutamisrõivad, riided, mis langesid pahkluuni või peaaegu nii. Naised kandsid brokaadirikaste jaoks sageli stola pealmist kihti. Kõik need, välja arvatud stola, võivad olla vööga või mitte. Riietustingimused on sageli segadust tekitavad ning teatud pildil oleva eseme nime või konkreetse dokumentaalse viitega seotud kujunduse teatud identifitseerimine on haruldane, eriti väljaspool kohut.

The chlamys, parema õla külge kinnitatud poolringikujuline mantel jätkus kogu perioodi vältel. Pikkus langes mõnikord ainult puusadele või pahkluudele, palju pikem kui Vana -Kreekas tavaliselt kantud versioon, pikemat versiooni nimetatakse ka paludamentum. Nagu ka õukondlased, kannab keiser Justinianus Ravenna mosaiikides üht, suure prossiga. Senaatoriklassi meestel oli igal sirgel servas tablion, pastillikujuline värviline paneel rinna või keskosa ees (ees), mida kasutati ka kandja edasise auastme näitamiseks tikandite ja ehete värvi või tüübi järgi kasutatud (vrd Justinianuse ja tema õukondlaste omad). Theodosius I ja tema kaaskeisreid näidati 388. aastal koos põlvede kõrgusel Theodosius I missioonis 387. aastal, kuid järgnevatel aastakümnetel tablion on näha, et see liigub kõrgemal Chlamys, näiteks elevandiluudes 413-414. [3] A paragauda või paksust riidest, tavaliselt kulda sisaldav äär, oli samuti auastme näitaja. Mõnikord kanti piklikku mantlit, eriti sõjaväelased ja tavalised inimesed, see ei olnud kohtupidamiseks. Liikumise hõlbustamiseks ja mõõga juurde pääsemiseks kinnitati paremale õlale mantlid.

Sääriseid ja voolikuid kanti sageli, kuid need ei ole silmapaistvad jõukate kujutamisel, keda nad seostasid barbaritega, olgu nad siis Euroopa või Pärsia. Isegi põhiriided tunduvad olevat vaeste jaoks üllatavalt kallid. [1] Mõned füüsilised töötajad, ilmselt orjad, kannavad vähemalt suvel vähemalt Rooma libisemiskostüümi, mis oli tegelikult kaks ristkülikut õmmeldud õlgadele ja käsivarre alla. Teisi, kui nad tegelevad tegevusega, kuvatakse liikumise hõlbustamiseks tuunika küljed vöökohaga seotud.

Kõige tavalisemad Bütsantsi ajast säilinud pildid ei ole asjakohased kui viited sellel perioodil kantud tegelikule riietusele. Kristust (sageli isegi imikuna), apostleid, püha Joosepi, püha Ristija Johannese ja mõnda teist näidatakse peaaegu alati seljas suure vormiga kleidi, suure ristkülikukujulise mantli ümber keha (peaaegu toga) chiton ehk lahtiste varrukatega tuunika, ulatudes pahkluudeni. Sandaalid kantakse jalga. Seda kostüümi ei näe tavaliselt ilmalikus kontekstis, kuigi see võib olla tahtlik, et vältida ilmaliku ja jumalike teemade segamist. Theotokos (Neitsi Maarja) on näidatud seljas maphorion, kujuga mantel kapuutsiga ja mõnikord auk kaelas. See on arvatavasti lähedane tegelikule leskede ja avalikult viibivatele naistele. Neitsi aluskleit võib olla nähtav, eriti varrukate juures. Samuti on kokkulepped Vana Testamendi prohvetite ja teiste piiblitegelaste kohta. Peale Kristuse ja Neitsi on palju ikonograafilist kleiti valge või suhteliselt summutatud, eriti seintel (seinamaalingud ja mosaiigid) ja käsikirjades, kuid ikoonides erksamates toonides. Paljusid teisi Piibli stseenide tegelasi, eriti kui neid ei nimetata, on tavaliselt kujutatud seljas "kaasaegse" Bütsantsi riietusega.

Tagasihoidlikkus oli oluline kõigile, välja arvatud väga rikkad, ja enamik naisi näib peaaegu täielikult kaetud üsna vormitu riietusega, mis pidi olema võimeline täitma rasedust. Varane impeeriumi algriietus langeb pahkluudeni, kõrge ümmarguse kraega ja tihedate varrukatega randmele. Narmad ja kätised võivad olla tikitud, ka õlavarre ümber on riba. 10. ja 11. sajandil muutub üha populaarsemaks põletatud varrukatega kleit, mis on lõpuks randmest väga täis, enne kui kaovad kadunud töötavad naised varrukatega. Kohtu daamidel võib see olla V-kraega. Vööd olid tavaliselt kulunud, võimalik, et seeliku toetamiseks olid rihmakonksud, need võisid olla riidest tihedamini kui nahast, ja näha on ka mõningaid tutikaid. [4] Kaelaavad olid ilmselt sageli nööpidega kinni pandud, mida on kunstis raske näha ja mida pole tekstides kirjeldatud, kuid seda pidi olema vaja vaid rinnaga toitmise ajal. Võimalikud on otse alla, risti või diagonaalselt. [5] Tavaline linane aluspesu ei olnud kuni 10. sajandini nähtavaks kujundatud. Kuid sel hetkel hakkab põhikleidi kohal paistma seisev krae. [5]

Juuksed on kaetud mitmesuguste pearätikute ja looridega, mis eemaldatakse tõenäoliselt kodus. Mõnikord kanti loori all mütsid ja mõnikord on riie turbanistiilis. Seda võidi teha töötamise ajal - näiteks ämmaemandad Jeesuse sündimise stseenides kunstis võtavad selle stiili tavaliselt omaks. Varasemad olid mähitud kaheksakujuliselt, kuid 11. sajandiks võeti kasutusele ringikujuline ümbris, mis võis olla õmmeldud fikseeritud asendisse. 11. ja 12. sajandil hakkasid pearätikud või loorid olema pikemad. [6]

Jalatsite osas on teadlased kindlamad, kuna arheoloogia abil on leitud palju näiteid impeeriumi kuivematest osadest. Leitakse väga erinevaid jalatseid, sandaalid, sussid ja saapad sääre keskpaigani, mis on levinud käsikirjalistel illustratsioonidel ja väljakaevatud leidudel, kus paljud on kaunistatud erineval viisil. Punane värv, mis on reserveeritud Imperial kasutamiseks meeste jalatsites, on tegelikult naiste kingade jaoks kõige levinum värv. Rahakotid on harva nähtavad ja näivad olevat valmistatud kleidile vastavatest tekstiilidest või võib -olla aknaraami sisse. [7]

Tantsijaid näidatakse spetsiaalse kleidiga, sealhulgas lühikeste varrukatega või varrukateta kleitidega, millel võib olla või ei pruugi olla heledam varrukas, mis on pärit allpool olevast aluspesust. Neil on kitsad laiad vööd ja nende seelikutel on põletatud ja erineva värvusega element, mis on tõenäoliselt loodud tantsudel pöörlema ​​tõustes. [8] Anna Komnene märkus oma ema kohta viitab sellele, et käe randme kohal näitamata jätmine oli Bütsantsi tagasihoidlikkuse eriline fookus. [9]

Kuigi mõnikord väidetakse, et näokatte leiutasid Bütsants, [10] ei kujuta Bütsantsi kunst looritatud nägudega naisi, kuigi tavaliselt kujutab see looritatud juustega naisi. Eeldatakse, et Bütsantsi naised väljaspool õukonnaringi olid avalikkuse ees hästi ümbritsetud ja nende liikumine väljaspool maja oli suhteliselt piiratud, neid kujutatakse kunstis harva. [11] Kirjanduslikud allikad ei ole piisavalt selged, et eristada peakatet ja näokatet. [9] Esimesel sajandil kirjutanud Strabo vihjab mõnele pärsia naisele, kes varjab nende nägu (Geograafia, 11. 9-10). [ ebaõnnestus kinnitus ] Lisaks 3. sajandi alguse kristlik kirjanik Tertullianus oma traktaadis Neitsite katmine, Ch. 17 kirjeldab paganlikke araablannaid niqabi kombel kogu näo, välja arvatud silmad, loorisena. See näitab, et mõned Lähis -Ida naised varjasid oma nägu ammu enne islamit.

Nagu kreeka-rooma aegadel, oli ka lilla kuninglikule perele reserveeritud, muud värvid erinevates kontekstides edastasid teavet klassi ja vaimuliku või valitsuse auastme kohta. Alamklassi inimesed kandsid lihtsaid tuunikaid, kuid eelistasid siiski Bütsantsi moes leiduvaid erksaid värve.

Hipodroomi võistlustel kasutati nelja meeskonda: punast, valget, sinist ja rohelist ning nende toetajatest said poliitilised fraktsioonid, kes asusid arianismi, nestoriaanluse ja monofüüsismi suurte teoloogiliste küsimuste poole, mis olid ka poliitilised küsimused, ja seega Keiserlikud nõudjad, kes võtsid samuti pooli. Neljandal kuni kuuendal sajandil toimusid tohutud rahutused ja enamasti Konstantinoopolis, nende hukkunute arv ulatus tuhandetesse, nende fraktsioonide vahel, kes olid loomulikult riietunud sobivatesse värvidesse. Keskaegses Prantsusmaal olid sarnased värve kandvad poliitilised fraktsioonid, nn saatjad.

14. sajandi mosaiik (paremal) Kahriye-Cami või Chora kirik Istanbulis annab suurepärase ülevaate hilisperioodi kostüümidest. Vasakult valvas sõdur, kuberner ühes suures mütsis, mida kandsid olulised ametnikud, keskastme riigiametnik (registrirulli hoidja) laia äärisega dalmaatikas, tõenäoliselt tikitud, üle pika aja tuunika, millel on ka piir. Siis tuleb kõrgema astme sõdur, kes kannab mõõka sidumata vööl või kiilas. Neitsi ja Püha Joosep on oma tavalises ikonograafilises kleidis ning Püha Joosepi taga ootab auväärsete kodanike järjekord registreerimiskorda. Meeste hemide pikkus väheneb, kui inimese staatus suureneb. Kõigil paljastatud jalgadel on voolik ning sõduritel ja kodanikel on eespool jalamähised, eeldatavasti sandaalidega. Kodanikud kannavad dalmaatikat, millel on lai äär kaelas ja allääres, kuid mitte nii rikas kui keskastme ametnikul. Teised mehed kannaksid ehk mütse, kui mitte kuberneri juuresolekul. Sama kiriku doonoritegelane, suur logoteek Theodore Metochites, kes juhtis impeeriumi õigussüsteemi ja rahandust, kannab veelgi suuremat mütsi, mida ta hoiab Kristuse ees põlvili hoides (vt galerii).

Paljud mehed läksid palja peaga ja peale keisri olid nad tavaliselt nii, nagu need olid, mis võib moonutada meie andmeid. Bütsantsi hilisperioodil kandsid ametnikud vormiriietuses mitmeid ekstravagantselt suuri mütse. 12. sajandil kandis keiser Andronikos Komnenos püramiidi kujuga mütsi, kuid ekstsentriline kleit on üks paljudest asjadest, mille pärast teda kritiseeriti. See oli võib-olla seotud väga elegantse mütsiga, millel oli väga kõrge kupliga tipp ja järsult üles keeratud äär, mis tuli terava kolmnurgaga kaugele ette teravale punktile (vasakul), mille joonistasid Itaalia kunstnikud, kui keiser Johannes VIII Palaiologos läks Firenzesse ja Ferrara nõukogusse 1438. aastal keisririigi viimastel päevadel. Selle ja teiste rõivaste versioonid, sealhulgas paljud suurejoonelised kübarad, mida külastajad kandsid, olid Pisanello ja teiste kunstnike hoolikalt joonistatud. [2] Nad läbisid koopiaid kogu Euroopas, et neid saaks kasutada idapoolsetel teemadel, eriti kolme kuninga või magi kujutamiseks sündimise stseenides. Aastal 1159 kandis Châtilloni külastav ristisõdade prints Raynald tiaarakujulist vildist korki, mis oli kaunistatud kullaga. Pürenee laia äärega viltkübar tuli moes 12. sajandi jooksul. Eriti Balkanil kanti väikeseid karusnahkse äärega või ilma, selliseid tsaare, mis hiljem Vene tsaaride poolt kasutusele võeti.

Bütsantsi kunstis pole rikaste pikkade rüüde tõttu palju kingi selgelt näha. Punased kingad tähistasid keisrit siniseid kingi, a sebastokraator ja rohelised kingad a protovestiarios.

Ravenna mosaiigid näitavad, et mehed kannavad valgete sokkidega sandaale ja sõdurid kannavad vasika ümber seotud sandaale või sääre ümber mähitud riideribasid. Need läksid ilmselt varvasteni (sarnaseid jalaümbriseid kannavad siiani vene teised auastmed).

Mõned sõdurid, sealhulgas hilisemad sõjaväelises riietuses keiserlikud portreed, näitavad saapaid, mis ulatuvad peaaegu põlvini - keisri jaoks punased. Püha Rooma keisrite keiserlikes regioonides on Bütsantsi stiilis kingad või sussid, mis on valmistatud Palermos enne aastat 1220. Need on lühikesed, ainult pahkluuni ja on heldelt lõigatud, et mahutada palju erinevaid suurusi. Need on rikkalikult kaunistatud pärlite ja juveelidega ning kullast rullmustriga kinga külgedel ja üle varba. [12] Praktilisemaid jalatseid kanti kahtlemata vähem ametlikel puhkudel.

Väljaspool töölisi oleks kas sandaalid või paljajalu. Sandaalid järgivad Rooma rihmade mudelit üle paksu talla. Mõned näited Rooma kurkidest või sõjaväe saapast on näha ka karjaste peal.

See jäi kreeka-rooma mustri lähedale, eriti ohvitseride jaoks (vt näiteks galerii jagu). Soomusrüü, mille all ilmus lühikese tuunika põhi seelikuna, sageli kaetud nahkrihmade äärega, pteruges. Sarnased ribad katsid õlavarred, ümmarguste soomuste õlaosade all. Vasika juurde tulid saapad või olid sandaalid kõrgel jalgadel rihmas. Üsna õhkõrna välimusega riidest vöö on seotud kõrgelt ribide alla auastmemärgina, mitte praktilise esemena.

Riietus ja varustus muutusid selle aja jooksul märkimisväärselt, et saada kõige tõhusamad ja tõhusamad seadmed, mida praegune majandus võimaldab. Teiste auastmete riietus oli suures osas identne tavaliste töömeeste omaga. Käsiraamatud soovitavad tuunikaid ja mantleid mitte kauem kui põlv. [13] Kuna armee marsib ennekõike jalgadel, muretsesid käsiraamatu kirjutajad rohkem selle pärast, et vägedel peavad olema head jalanõud. [14] See ulatus madalatest nööritavatest jalanõudest kuni reiesaabasteni, kõik olid varustatud "mõne (pliidiplaadiga) naelaga". [15] Pearätik ("phakiolion" või "maphorion"), mis ulatus lihtsast riidest, mis tuli kiivri alt (nagu ikka kannavad õigeusu vaimulikud), kuni millegi rohkem turbani moodi, oli standard sõjaväe peakatted kesk- ja Hiline impeerium nii ühisvägede kui ka mõne auastme piduliku kandmise jaoks [16] kandsid neid ka naised.

Keisrite (sageli oli neid kaks korraga) ja keisrinna erilised rõivad olid kroon ja tugevalt ehteid pakkunud keiser loros või pallium, mis arenes välja trabea triumphalis, tseremoniaalne värviline versioon Rooma togast, mida kandsid konsulid (Justinianus I valitsemisajal sai konsulist keiserliku staatuse osaks) ja mida keiser ja keisrinna kandsid peaaegu kiriklikuna. Seda kandsid ka kaksteist kõige olulisemat ametnikku ja keiserlik ihukaitsja ning seega ka peaingelid ikoonides, keda peeti jumalikeks ihukaitsjateks. Tegelikult kanti seda tavaliselt vaid paar korda aastas, näiteks lihavõttepühapäeval, kuid seda kasutati väga sageli kunsti kujutamiseks. [17]

Meeste versioon lorodest oli pikk riba, mis langes otse eest allapoole vööst allapoole ja tagumine osa oli ettepoole tõmmatud ja rippus ilusti üle vasaku käe. Emased lorod olid esiotsas sarnased, kuid tagumine ots oli laiem ja pärast uuesti esiosa tõmbamist vöö alla kinnitatud. Nii mees- kui naisversioon muutsid stiili ja läksid Bütsantsi keskperioodil lahku, naine naasis hiljem uue meesstiili juurde. Lisaks juveelidele ja tikanditele õmmeldi riietesse väikesed emailitud tahvlid, mida Manuel I Comnenuse kleiti kirjeldati kui lilledega kaetud heinamaad. Üldiselt olid varrukad tihedalt käe külge kinnitatud ja välimine kleit on pahkluude juures (kuigi sageli nimetatakse seda karamelliks) ning on ka üsna tihedalt kinnitatud. Keisrinna varrukad muutusid hilisemal perioodil äärmiselt laiaks. [18]

Bütsantsi ajaloo jooksul kantud superhumeraal oli keiserlik dekoratiivne krae, mis moodustas sageli osa lorodest. Seda kopeerisid vähemalt kõrgema klassi naised. See oli kullast vms materjalist riidest, siis kalliskividega naelutatud ja tugevalt tikitud. Kaunistus jagati krae vertikaalsete joontega üldiselt sektsioonideks. Servad tehakse erineva suurusega pärlites kuni kolmes reas. Aeg -ajalt pandi vaheldumisi tilgapärleid, et rikkalikkust lisada. Krae tuli üle rangluu, et katta osa ülemisest rinnast.

Schatzkammeris (Viin) hoitud Püha Rooma keisrite keiserlikud regaliad sisaldavad täiskomplekti ülerõivaid, mis on valmistatud 12. sajandil sisuliselt Bütsantsi stiilis Bütsantsi rajatud töökodades Palermos. Need kuuluvad parimate säilinud Bütsantsi rõivaste hulka ja annavad hea ettekujutuse keiserlike tseremoonialiste rõivaste rikkusest. Olemas on mantel (keisrite seljas ees oleva piluga), "alb", dalmaatika, sukad, sussid ja kindad. The loros on itaalia ja hiljem. Kõik mantli kujunduselemendid (vt Tekstiilid allpool) on joonistatud pärlitega ja tikitud kullaga.

Eriti varasel ja hilisemal perioodil (umbes enne 600 ja pärast 1000) võidakse keisreid näidata sõjaväelises riietuses, kuldsete rinnaplaatide, punaste saabaste ja krooniga. Kroonidel oli pendilia ja suleti 12. sajandi jooksul pealt.

Kohtuelu "möödus omamoodi balletis", kus igaks sündmuseks olid ette nähtud täpsed tseremooniad, näitamaks, et "keiserlikku võimu saab teostada harmoonias ja korras" ning "impeerium võib seega kajastada universumi liikumist sellisena, nagu see oli tehtud" looja poolt ", vastavalt keiser Constantine Porphyrogenitusele, kes kirjutas a Tseremooniate raamat kirjeldades väga üksikasjalikult kontrollikoja iga -aastast vooru. Keisri või keisrinna nimepäeva õhtusöögil on ette nähtud spetsiaalsed riietusvormid paljudele inimrühmadele konkreetsetel puhkudel. Erinevad kõrgete ametnike rühmad esitasid pidulikke tantse, üks rühm kandis sinimustvalget rõivastust, lühikeste varrukatega ja kuldribad ja sõrmused pahkluudel, käes hoiavad nad seda, mida nimetatakse fengia". Teine rühm teeb täpselt sama, kuid kannab" rohelise ja punase värvi rõivastust, lõhestatud, kuldsete ribadega ". Need värvid olid vanade sõjavankrite võidusõidufraktsioonide märgid, neli ühinesid nüüd ainult siniste ja rohelistega. ja lisati ametlikku hierarhiasse.

Erinevad taktika, traktaadid haldusstruktuuri, kohtuprotokolli ja paremusjärjestuse kohta, sisaldavad üksikasju erinevate ametnike kantud kostüümide kohta. Pseudo-Kodinose sõnul oli Sebastokraatori eriline värv sinine, tema tseremoniaalne kostüüm sisaldas punasel väljal kotkastega tikitud siniseid kingi, punast tuunikat (chlamys) ja diadem (stephanos) punases ja kullas. [19] Nagu Louis XIV Versailles'is, olid keerukad riietumis- ja õukonnarituaalid ilmselt vähemalt osaliselt katse poliitilisi pingeid lämmatada ja nende eest eemale juhtida.

Kuid see tseremoniaalne eluviis sattus sõjakriisi süvenedes stressi ja ei taastunud kunagi pärast lääne keisrite vahepala pärast Konstantinoopoli vallutamist neljandal ristisõjal 1204. aastal hilisperioodil, kui Prantsuse külaline oli šokeeritud, kui nägi keisrinna ratsutamas. tänaval, kus oli vähem saatjaid ja vähem tseremooniat kui Prantsusmaa kuningannal oleks olnud.

See on kindlasti piirkond, kus Rooma ja Bütsantsi riided on elamisele kõige lähemal, sest paljud harjumused ja riided, mida kasutatakse endiselt (eriti idapoolsetes, aga ka lääne kirikutes), on nende eelkäijatega tihedalt seotud. Aja jooksul muutus vaimulik riietus tavalisest riietuskleidist eriotstarbeliseks rõivakomplektiks. Piiskop kannab Ravenna mosaiigis tossu, mis on väga lähedane 20. sajandi "moodsale" Lääne vormile, rõivas on muutunud palju suuremaks ja vahepeal kokku tõmbunud. Üle õla kannab ta lihtsat piiskopi omofoor, meenutades vaimulikku pallium Ladina kirikust ja tema positsiooni sümbol. See muutus hiljem palju suuremaks ja tootis mitmesuguseid sarnaseid rõivaid, nagu epiteel ja orarion, teistele vaimulikele. Ka kaasaegsed õigeusu vaimulikumütsid on ellujäänud Bütsantsi riigiteenistuse palju suuremast ja erksavärvilisest ametlikust peakattest.

Meeste juuksed olid kuni hilisimpeeriumini üldiselt lühikesed ja korralikud ning neid näidatakse sageli elegantselt lokkis, tõenäoliselt kunstlikult (pilt üleval). 9. sajandi Khludovi psalteril on ikoonilised valgustid, mis teotavad viimast ikooniklastide patriarhi Grammatiklast Johnit, karikatuurides teda ebakorrektsete juustega, mis sirguvad otse igas suunas. Monki juuksed olid pikad ja enamikul vaimulikel olid habe, nagu ka paljudel ilmikutel, eriti hiljem. Kõrgema klassi naised kandsid enamasti juukseid püsti, jällegi väga sageli lokkis ja viimistletud kujuga. Kui me peame otsustama religioosse kunsti ja teiste väljaspool õukonda aset leidvate naiste väheste kujutiste järgi, siis ilmselt hoidsid naised oma juukseid avalikult, eriti kui nad olid abielus.

Nagu Hiinas, toimusid suured Bütsantsi keiserlikud töötoad, mis asusid ilmselt alati Konstantinoopolis, tekstiilide ja muude kunstide, näiteks mosaiigi jaoks. Kuigi oli ka teisi olulisi keskusi, juhtisid keiserlikud töötoad moe- ja tehnilist arengut ning nende tooteid kasutati sageli diplomaatiliste kingitustena teistele valitsejatele, samuti jagati neid soodsatele bütsantslastele. 10. sajandi lõpus saatis keiser Vene valitsejale kulda ja kangaid lootuses, et see takistab teda impeeriumi ründamast.

Enamikku säilinud näiteid ei kasutatud riiete jaoks ja neil on väga suured kootud või tikitud kujundused. Enne Bütsantsi ikonoklasmi sisaldasid need sageli religioosseid stseene, nagu kuulutused, sageli mitmel paneelil suure riidetüki kohal. See loomulikult lakkas Ikonoklasmi perioodidel ja välja arvatud kirikuriided [3], enamjaolt ei ilmunud figuraalsed stseenid hiljem uuesti, asendudes mustrite ja loomakujundusega. Mõned näited näitavad, et suurriided kasutavad rõivaste valmistamiseks väga suuri kujundeid - kaks tohutut tikitud lõvi, kes tapavad kaamleid, hõivavad kogu maa -ala. Roger II kroonimismantel aastal Viinis, toodeti Palermos umbes 1134 Bütsantsi asutatud töökodades. [4] Püha Asteriase Amasia jutlus, mis pärineb 5. sajandi lõpust, sisaldab üksikasju rikaste riiete kujutiste kohta (mida ta karmilt hukka mõistab): [20]

Seega, kui nad end riidesse panevad ja avalikkuse ette ilmuvad, näevad nad nendega kohtunute silmis välja nagu kujutatud seinad. Ja võib -olla isegi lapsed ümbritsevad neid, naeratades üksteisele ja näidates sõrmega pilti rõival, ja kõnnivad neile järele, järgides neid pikka aega. Nendel rõivastel on lõvid ja leopardid, karud ja pullid ning koerad mets ja kivid ning jahimehed ning kõik katsed maalides loodust jäljendada. Kuid sellised rikkad mehed ja naised, kes on vagamad, on kogunud kokku evangeeliumi ajaloo ja andnud selle kudujatele. Te võite näha Galilea pulmi ja veepotte, mida halvatu kannab oma voodi õlgadel, pimedat ravitakse saviga, verise probleemiga naist, haarates kinni rõiva piirist, mis patune naine kukub Jeesuse Laatsaruse jalad hauast ellu ärkamas.

Nii kristlikke kui ka paganlikke näiteid, enamasti tikitud tahvleid, mis on õmmeldud lihtsama riide sisse, on Egiptuse haudade erandlikes tingimustes säilitatud, kuigi enamasti ikoonilised portree-stiilis kujutised, mitte jutustusstseenid, mida Asterius kirjeldab oma Põhja-Anatoolia Amasya piiskopkonnas. Caesar Constantius Galluse portree 354. aasta kronograafias näitab mitut kujundlikku paneeli tema riietel, enamasti ümaraid või ovaalseid (vt galeriid).

Varakult kaunistatud riie on linasele alusele enamasti villaga tikitud ja lina on kogu perioodi jooksul üldiselt tavalisem kui puuvill. Toorsiidist lõng imporditi algselt Hiinast ning selle kudumise aeg ja koht Lähis -Ida maailmas on vaidlusküsimus, 4. ja 5. kuupäevaks pakutakse välja Egiptus, Pärsia, Süüria ja Konstantinoopol. sajandeid. Kindlasti näitab Bütsantsi tekstiilikaunistus suurt Pärsia mõju ja väga vähe otse Hiinast. Legendide järgi andsid Justinianus I agendid umbes 552. aastal altkäemaksu kahele budistlikule mungale Khotanist, et avastada siidi kasvatamise saladus, ehkki palju imporditi Hiinast.

Vastupidav värvimine oli levinud alates hilis -Rooma ajastust väljaspool õukonda ning puuplokitrükk pärineb vähemalt 6. sajandist ja võib -olla ka varem - jällegi toimiks see odavama alternatiivina rikaste kootud ja tikitud materjalidele. Peale Egiptuse matmislappide on odavaid kangaid säilinud pigem vähem kui kalleid. Samuti tuleb meeles pidada, et mustrilise kanga kujutamine värvides või mosaiikides on väga raske ülesanne, mis sageli on väikeses miniatuuris võimatu, seega on kunstiline rekord, mis näitab sageli mustrilisi kangaid suuremahulistes kujundites parima kvaliteediga töödes, tõenäoliselt all -salvestab mustrilise lapi kasutamise.

Caesar Constantius Gallus 354. aasta kronograafia hilisemas eksemplaris, kus on üks parimaid säilinud märke selle kohta, millised nägid välja Asteriuse kirjeldatud riietel olevad pildid.

Konsul Anastasius kannab konsulaarriideid, mis sarnanevad keiserlikele. Tema konsulaardiptihist, 517.

Chora kirik, Grand Logothete Theodore Metochites, kes juhtis impeeriumi õigussüsteemi ja rahandust, kannab tohutut mütsi, nagu kõik kõrged ametnikud, ja mustrilist rüüd.

Basiilik II sõjaväekleidis, 11. sajandi algus

Püha Demetrius Thessalonikist, 12. sajandi Kiievi kreeka mosaiik, millel on auastmemärgina sõjaväeline riietus, sealhulgas kõrge ribi ümber ribide.

Pisanello visandid Bütsantsi delegatsioonist Firenze nõukogus 1439. aastal


Sisu

Kui Rooma edestas Egiptuse piirkondades kehtinud Ptolemaiose süsteemi, tegid nad palju muudatusi. Rooma vallutamise mõju tugevdas algul kreeklaste ja hellenismi positsioone Egiptuse mõjude vastu. Mõned hellenistliku Ptolemaiose võimu alla kuulunud ametid ja ametinimed jäeti alles, osa muudeti ja mõned nimed oleksid jäänud, kuid funktsioon ja haldus oleks muutunud.

Roomlased tegid haldussüsteemis olulisi muudatusi, mille eesmärk oli saavutada kõrge efektiivsus ja maksimeerida tulusid. Aegyptuse prefekti kohustused koosnesid vastutusest sõjalise julgeoleku eest leegionite ja kohortide juhtimise, rahanduse ja maksude korraldamise ning õigusemõistmise eest.

Ptolemaiose kuningriigi Egiptuse provintsid jäid kuni Rooma haldusreformini täielikult Rooma võimu alla august Diocletianus (r. 284–305). [7]: 57 Rooma Egiptuse esimesel kolmel sajandil sattus kogu riik Rooma keskse kontrolli alla ühe kuberneri poolt, keda ametlikult nimetati ladina keeles: praefectus Alexandreae ja Aegypti, valgustatud. "Aleksandria ja Egiptuse prefekt", mida tavaliselt nimetatakse ladina keeleks: praefectus Aegypti, valgustatud. „Egiptuse prefekt” või Koinē kreeka: ἔπαρχος Αἰγύπτου, romaniseeritud: eparchos Aigyptou, valgustatud. "Egiptuse epark". [7]: 57 Kuberneri topeltpealkiri "Aleksandria ja Egiptus" peegeldab Ülem- ja Alam-Egiptuse ning Aleksandria vahelisi erinevusi, kuna Aleksandria väljaspool Niiluse deltat ei asunud Egiptuse toona valitsevate traditsiooniliste geograafiliste piiride piires. . [7]: 57

Rooma Egiptus oli ainus Rooma provints, mille kuberner oli Rooma ühiskonnakorras ratsutamise auastmega, kõik teised kuulusid senaatoriklassi ja tegutsesid Rooma senaatoritena, sealhulgas endised Rooma konsulid, kuid Egiptuse prefektil olid enam -vähem samaväärsed tsiviil- ja sõjaväelised volitused. (imperium) prokonsulile, kuna Rooma seadus (a lex) andis talle "prokonsulaari imperium"(Ladina keeles: imperium ad similitudinem proconsulis). [7] : 57 Unlike in senatorially-governed provinces, the prefect was responsible for the collection of certain taxes and for the organization of the all-important grain shipments from Egypt (including the annona). [7] : 58 Because of these financial responsibilities, the governor's administration had to be closely controlled and organized. [7] : 58 The governorship of Egypt was the second-highest office available to the equestrian class on the cursus honorum (after that of the praetorian prefect (Latin: praefectus praetorio), the commander of the imperial Praetorian Guard) and one of the highest-paid, receiving an annual salary of 200,000 sesterces (a "ducenarian" post). [7] : 58 The prefect was appointed at the emperor's discretion officially the governors' status and responsibilities mirrored those of the augustus himself: his fairness (aequitas, 'equality') and his foresight (providentia, 'providence'). [7] : 58 From the early 2nd century, service as the governor of Egypt was frequently the penultimate stage in the career of a praetorian prefect. [7] : 58

The governor's powers as prefect, which included the rights to make edicts (ius edicendi) and, as the supreme judicial authority, to order capital punishment (ius gladii, 'right of swords'), expired as soon as his successor arrived in the provincial capital at Alexandria, who then also took up overall command of the Roman legions of the Egyptian garrison. [7] : 58 (Initially, three legions were stationed in Egypt, with only two from the reign of Tiberius ( r . 14–37 AD ).) [7] : 58 The official duties of the praefectus Aegypti are well known because enough records survive to reconstruct a mostly complete official calendar (fasti) of the governors' engagements. [7] : 57 Yearly in Lower Egypt, and once every two years in Upper Egypt, the praefectus Aegypti held a conventus (Koinē Greek: διαλογισμός , romanized: dialogismos, lit. 'dialogue'), during which legal trials were conducted and administrative officials' practices were examined, usually between January (Ianuarius) and April (Aprilis) in the Roman calendar. [7] : 58 Evidence exists of more than 60 edicts issued by the Roman governors of Egypt. [7] : 58

To the government at Alexandria besides the prefect of Egypt, the Roman emperors appointed several other subordinate procurators for the province, all of equestrian rank and, at least from the reign of Commodus ( r . 176–192 ) of similar, "ducenarian" salary bracket. [7] : 58 The administrator of the Idios Logos, responsible for special revenues like the proceeds of bona caduca property, and the iuridicus (Koinē Greek: δικαιοδότης , romanized: dikaiodotes, lit. 'giver of laws'), the senior legal official, were both imperially appointed. [7] : 58 From the reign of Hadrian ( r . 117–138 ), the financial powers of the prefect and the control of the Egyptian temples and priesthoods was devolved to other procurators, a dioiketes ( διοικητής ), the chief financial officer, and an archiereus ( ἀρχιερεύς , 'archpriest'). [7] : 58 A procurator could deputize as the prefect's representative where necessary. [7] : 58

Procurators were also appointed from among the freedmen (manumitted slaves) of the imperial household, including the powerful procurator usiacus, responsible for state property in the province. [7] : 58 Other procurators were responsible for revenue farming of state monopolies (the procurator ad Mercurium), oversight of farm lands (the procurator episkepseos), of the warehouses of Alexandria (the procurator Neaspoleos), and of exports and emigration (the procurator Phari, 'procurator of the Pharos'). [7] : 58 These roles are poorly attested, with often the only surviving information beyond the names of the offices is a few names of the incumbents. In general, the central provincial administration of Egypt is no better-known than the Roman governments of other provinces, since, unlike in the rest of Egypt, the conditions for the preservation of official papyri were very unfavourable at Alexandria. [7] : 58

Local government in the hinterland (Koinē Greek: χώρα , romanized: khṓrā, lit. 'countryside') outside Alexandria was divided into traditional regions known as nomoi. [7] : 58 To each nome the prefect appointed a strategos (Koinē Greek: στρατηγός , romanized: stratēgós, lit. 'general') the strategoi were civilian administrators, without military functions, who performed much of the government of the country in the prefect's name and were themselves drawn from the Egyptian upper classes. [7] : 58 The strategoi in each of the mētropoleis were the senior local officials, served as intermediaries between the prefect and the villages, and were legally responsible for the administration and their own conduct while in office for several years. [7] : 58 Each strategos was supplemented by a royal scribe ( βασιλικός γραμματεύς , basilikós grammateús, 'royal secretary'). [7] : 58 These scribes were responsible for their nome's financial affairs, including administration of all property, land, land revenues, and temples, and what remains of their record-keeping is unparalleled in the ancient world for its completeness and complexity. [7] : 58 The royal scribes could act as proxy for the strategoi, but each reported directly to Alexandria, where dedicated financial secretaries – appointed for each individual nome – oversaw the accounts: an eklogistes and a graphon ton nomon. [7] : 58 The eklogistes was responsible for general financial affairs while the graphon ton nomon likely dealt with matters relating to the Idios Logos. [7] : 58–59

The nomoi were grouped traditionally into those of Upper and Lower Egypt, the two divisions each being known as an "epistrategy" after the chief officer, the epistrategos ( ἐπιστράτηγος , epistratēgós, 'over-general'), each of whom was also a Roman procurator. Soon after the Roman annexation, a new epistrategy was formed, encompassing the area just south of Memphis and the Faiyum region and named "the Heptanomia and the Arsinoite nome". [7] : 58 In the Nile Delta however, power was wielded by two of the epistrategoi. [7] : 58 The epistrategos's role was mainly to mediate between the prefect in Alexandria and the strategoi in the mētropoleis, and they had few specific administrative duties, performing a more general function. [7] : 58 Their salary was sexagenarian – 60,000 sesterces annually. [7] : 58

Each village or kome ( κώμη , kṓmē) was served by a village scribe ( κωμογραμματεύς , kōmogrammateús, 'secretary of the kome'), whose term, possibly paid, was usually held for three years. [7] : 59 Each, to avoid conflicts of interest, was appointed to a community away from their home village, as they were required to inform the strategoi ja epistrategoi of the names of persons due to perform unpaid public service as part of the liturgy system. [7] : 59 They were required to be literate and had various duties as official clerks. [7] : 59 Other local officials drawn from the liturgy system served for a year in their home kome they included the practor ( πράκτωρ , práktōr, 'executor'), who collected certain taxes, as well as security officers, granary officials ( σιτολόγοι , sitologoi, 'grain collectors'), public cattle drivers ( δημόσιοι kτηνοτρόφοι , dēmósioi ktēnotróphoi, 'cattleherds of the demos'), and cargo supervisors ( ἐπίπλοοι , epiploöi). [7] : 59 Other liturgical officials were responsible for other specific aspects of the economy: a suite of officials was each responsible for arranging supplies of particular necessity in the course of the prefect's official tours. [7] : 59 The liturgy system extended to most aspects of Roman administration by the reign of Trajan ( r . 98–117 ), though constant efforts were made by people eligible for such duties to escape their imposition. [7] : 59

The reforms of the early 4th century had established the basis for another 250 years of comparative prosperity in Aegyptus, at a cost of perhaps greater rigidity and more oppressive state control. Aegyptus was subdivided for administrative purposes into a number of smaller provinces, and separate civil and military officials were established the praeses and the dux. The province was under the supervision of the count of the Orient (i.e. the vicar) of the diocese headquartered in Antioch in Syria.

Emperor Justinian abolished the Diocese of Egypt in 538 and re-combined civil and military power in the hands of the dux with a civil deputy (praeses) as a counterweight to the power of the church authorities. All pretense of local autonomy had by then vanished. The presence of the soldiery was more noticeable, its power and influence more pervasive in the routine of town and village life.

The Roman army was among the most homogenous Roman structures, and the organization of the army in Egypt differed little from its organization elsewhere in the Roman Empire. The Roman legions were recruited from Roman citizens and the Roman auxilia recruited from the non-citizen subjects. [8] : 69

Egypt was unique in that its garrison was commanded by the praefectus Aegypti, an official of the equestrian order, rather than, as in other provinces, a governor of the senatorial class. [8] : 75 This distinction was stipulated in a law promulgated by Augustus, and, because it was unthinkable that an equestrian should command a senator, the commanders of the legions in Egypt were themselves, uniquely, of equestrian rank. [8] : 75 As a result of these strictures, the governor was rendered unable to build up a rival power base (as Mark Antony had been able to do), while the military legati commanding the legions were career soldiers, formerly centurions with the senior rank of primus pilus, rather than politicians whose military experience was limited to youthful service as a military tribune. [8] : 75 Beneath the praefectus Aegypti, the overall commander of legions and auxilia stationed in Egypt was styled in Latin: praefectus stratopedarches, from the Greek: στρατοπεδάρχης , romanized: stratopedárchēs, lit. 'camp commander', or as Latin: praefectus exercitu qui est in Aegypto, lit. 'prefect of the army in Egypt'. [8] : 75–76 Collectively, these forces were known as the exercitus Aegyptiacus, 'Army of Egypt'. [8] : 76

The Roman garrison was concentrated at Nicopolis, a district of Alexandria, rather than at the strategic heart of the country around Memphis and Egyptian Babylon. [9] : 37 Alexandria was the Mediterranean's second city in the early Roman empire, the cultural capital of the Greek East and rival to Rome under Antony and Cleopatra. [9] : 37 Because only a few papyri are preserved from the area, little more is known about the legionaries' everyday life than is known from other provinces of the empire, and little evidence exists of the military practices of the prefect and his officers. [8] : 75 Most papyri have been found in Middle Egypt's villages, and the texts are primarily concerned with local affairs, rarely giving space to high politics and military matters. [8] : 70 Not much is known about the military encampments of the Roman imperial period, since many are underwater or have been built over and because Egyptian archaeology has traditionally taken little interest in Roman sites. [8] : 70 Because they supply a record of soldiers' service history, six bronze Roman military diplomas dating between 83 and 206 are the main source of documentary evidence for the auxilia in Egypt these inscribed certificates rewarded 25 or 26 years of military service in the auxilia with Roman citizenship and the right of conubium. [8] : 70–71 That the army was more Greek-speaking than in other provinces is certain. [8] : 75

The heart of the Army of Egypt was the Nicopolis garrison at Alexandria, with at least one legion permanently stationed there, along with a strong force of auxilia cavalry. [8] : 71 These troops would both guard the residence of the praefectus Aegypti against uprisings among the Alexandrians and were poised to march quickly to any point at the prefect's command. [8] : 71–72 At Alexandria too was the Classis Alexandrina, the provincial fleet of the Roman Navy in Egypt. [8] : 71 In the 2nd and 3rd centuries, there were around 8,000 soldiers at Alexandria, a fraction of the megalopolis's huge population. [8] : 72

Initially, the legionary garrison of Roman Egypt consisted of three legions: the Legio III Cyrenaica, the Legio XXII Deiotariana, and one other legion. [8] : 70 The station and identity of this third legion is not known for sure, and it is not known precisely when it was withdrawn from Egypt, though it was certainly before 23 AD, during the reign of Tiberius ( r . 14–37 ). [8] : 70 In the reign of Tiberius's step-father and predecessor Augustus, the legions had been stationed at Nicopolis and at Egyptian Babylon, and perhaps at Thebes. [8] : 70 After August 119, the III Cyrenaica was ordered out of Egypt the XXII Deiotariana was transferred sometime afterwards, and before 127/8, the Legio II Traiana arrived, to remain as the main component of the Army of Egypt for two centuries. [8] : 70

After some fluctuations in the size and positions of the auxilia garrison in the early decades of Roman Egypt, relating to the conquest and pacification of the country, the auxilia contingent was mostly stable during the Principate, increasing somewhat towards the end of the 2nd century, and with some individual formations remaining in Egypt for centuries at a time. [8] : 71 Three or four alae of cavalry were stationed in Egypt, each ala numbering around 500 horsemen. [8] : 71 There were between seven and ten cohortes kohta auxilia infantry, each cohors about 500 hundred strong, although some were cohortes equitatae – mixed units of 600 men, with infantry and cavalry in a roughly 4:1 ratio. [8] : 71 Besides the auxilia stationed at Alexandria, at least three detachments permanently garrisoned the southern border, on the Nile's First Cataract around Philae and Syene (Aswan), protecting Egypt from enemies to the south and guarding against rebellion in the Thebaid. [8] : 72

Besides the main garrison at Alexandrian Nicopolis and the southern border force, the disposition of the rest of the Army of Egypt is not clear, though many soldiers are known to have been stationed at various outposts (praesidia), including those defending roads and remote natural resources from attack. [8] : 72 Roman detachments, centurionesja beneficiarii maintained order in the Nile Valley, but about their duties little is known, as little evidence survives, though they were, in addition to the strategoi of the nomoi, the prime local representatives of the Roman state. [8] : 73 Archaeological work led by Hélène Cuvigny has revealed many ostraca (inscribed ceramic fragments) which give unprecedently detailed information on the lives of soldiers stationed in the Eastern Desert along the Coptos–Myos Hormos road and at the imperial granite quarry at Mons Claudianus. [8] : 72 Another Roman outpost, known from an inscription, existed on Farasan, the chief island of the Red Sea's Farasan Islands off the west coast of the Arabian Peninsula. [8] : 72

As in other provinces, many of the Roman soldiers in Egypt were recruited locally, not only among the non-citizen auxilia, but among the legionaries as well, who were required to have Roman citizenship. [8] : 73 An increasing proportion of the Army of Egypt was of local origin in the reign of the Flavian dynasty, with an even higher proportion – as many as three quarters of legionaries – under the Severan dynasty. [8] : 73 Of these, around one third were themselves the offspring (Latin: castrenses, lit. 'camp-men') of soldiers, raised in the canabae settlements surrounding the army's base at Nicopolis, while only about one eighth were Alexandrian citizens. [8] : 73 Egyptians were given Roman-style Latin names on joining the army unlike in other provinces, indigenous names are nearly unknown among the local soldiers of the Army of Egypt. [8] : 74

One of the surviving military diplomas lists the soldier's birthplace as Coptos, while others demonstrate that soldiers and centurions from elsewhere retired to Egypt: auxilia veterans from Chios and Hippo Regius (or Hippos) are named. [8] : 73–74 Evidence from the 2nd century suggests most auxilia came from Egypt, with others drawn from the provinces of Africa ja Süüria, and from Roman Asia Minor. [8] : 73–74 Auxilia from the Balkans, who served throughout the Roman army, also served in Egypt: many Dacian names are known from ostraca in the Trajanic period, perhaps connected with the recruitment of Dacians during and after Trajan's Dacian Wars they are predominantly cavalrymen's names, with some infantrymen's. [8] : 74 Thracians, common in the army in other Roman provinces, were also present, and an auxiliary diploma from the Egyptian garrison has been found in Thracia. [8] : 74 Two auxilia diplomas connect Army of Egypt veterans with Syria, including one naming Apamea. [8] : 74 Large numbers of recruits mustered in Asia Minor may have supplemented the garrison after the Kitos War against a Jewish uprising in Egypt and Syria. [8] : 74

The social structure in Aegyptus under the Romans was both unique and complicated. On the one hand, the Romans continued to use many of the same organizational tactics that were in place under the leaders of the Ptolemaic period. At the same time, the Romans saw the Greeks in Aegyptus as “Egyptians”, an idea that both the native Egyptians and Greeks would have rejected. [10] To further compound the whole situation, Jews, who themselves were very Hellenized overall, had their own communities, separate from both Greeks and native Egyptians. [10]

The Romans began a system of social hierarchy that revolved around ethnicity and place of residence. Other than Roman citizens, a Greek citizen of one of the Greek cities had the highest status, and a rural Egyptian would be in the lowest class. [11] In between those classes was the metropolite, who was almost certainly of Hellenic origin. Gaining citizenship and moving up in ranks was very difficult and there were not many available options for ascendancy. [12]

One of the routes that many followed to ascend to another caste was through enlistment in the army. Although only Roman citizens could serve in the legions, many Greeks found their way in. The native Egyptians could join the auxiliary forces and attain citizenship upon discharge. [13] The different groups had different rates of taxation based on their social class. The Greeks were exempt from the poll tax, while Hellenized inhabitants of the nome capitals were taxed at a lower rate than the native Egyptians, who could not enter the army, and paid the full poll tax. [14]

The social structure in Aegyptus is very closely linked to the governing administration. Elements of centralized rule that were derived from the Ptolemaic period lasted into the 4th century. One element in particular was the appointment of strategoi to govern the ‘nomes’, the traditional administrative divisions of Egypt. Boulai, or town councils, in Egypt were only formally constituted by Septimius Severus. It was only under Diocletian later in the 3rd century that these boulai and their officers acquired important administrative responsibilities for their nomes. The Augustan takeover introduced a system of compulsory public service, which was based on poros (property or income qualification), which was wholly based on social status and power. The Romans also introduced the poll tax which was similar to tax rates that the Ptolemies levied, but the Romans gave special low rates to citizens of mētropoleis. [15] The city of Oxyrhynchus had many papyri remains that contain much information on the subject of social structure in these cities. This city, along with Alexandria, shows the diverse set-up of various institutions that the Romans continued to use after their takeover of Egypt.

Just as under the Ptolemies, Alexandria and its citizens had their own special designations. The capital city enjoyed a higher status and more privileges than the rest of Egypt. Just as it was under the Ptolemies, the primary way of becoming a citizen of Roman Alexandria was through showing when registering for a deme that both parents were Alexandrian citizens. Alexandrians were the only Egyptians that could obtain Roman citizenship. [16]

If a common Egyptian wanted to become a Roman citizen he would first have to become an Alexandrian citizen. The Augustan period in Egypt saw the creation of urban communities with “Hellenic” landowning elites. These landowning elites were put in a position of privilege and power and had more self-administration than the Egyptian population. Within the citizenry, there were gymnasiums that Greek citizens could enter if they showed that both parents were members of the gymnasium based on a list that was compiled by the government in 4–5 AD. [17]

The candidate for the gymnasium would then be let into the ephebus. There was also the council of elders known as the gerousia. This council of elders did not have a boulai to answer to. All of this Greek organization was a vital part of the metropolis and the Greek institutions provided an elite group of citizens. The Romans looked to these elites to provide municipal officers and well-educated administrators. [17] These elites also paid lower poll-taxes than the local native Egyptians, fellahin. It is well documented that Alexandrians in particular were able to enjoy lower tax-rates on land. [18]

These privileges even extended to corporal punishments. Romans were protected from this type of punishment while native Egyptians were whipped. Alexandrians, on the other hand, had the privilege of merely being beaten with a rod. [19] Although Alexandria enjoyed the greatest status of the Greek cities in Egypt, it is clear that the other Greek cities, such as Antinoöpolis, enjoyed privileges very similar to the ones seen in Alexandria. [20] All of these changes amounted to the Greeks being treated as an ally in Egypt and the native Egyptians were treated as a conquered race. [ citation needed ]

The Gnomon of the Idios Logos shows the connection between law and status. It lays out the revenues it deals with, mainly fines and confiscation of property, to which only a few groups were apt. The Gnomon also confirms that a freed slave takes his former master's social status. The Gnomon demonstrates the social controls that the Romans had in place through monetary means based on status and property.


Ancient Greece

Dress in ancient Greece was generally for comfort during the warm weather. Both men and women wore a tunic called the chiton. It was a rectangular piece of fabric draped by the wearer in various ways. Sometimes it was sewn up one side. Generally it was fastened at either one or both shoulders by a clasp, pin, or brooch. The woman’s chiton fell to the ankles the man’s usually reached only to the knees. The chiton was made of wool, cotton, linen, or silk. Fabric colors included white, yellow, purple, red, and green.

Two types of chitons were worn in ancient Greece. The Doric chiton was folded over at the top and held at the waist by a tied belt. The Ionic chiton, made of a lighter material, was closely pleated and had wide false sleeves. In time, the differences between the chitons began to disappear as the Doric was made of a lighter material and the Ionic lost its sleeves.

Women also wore a tunic called the peplos. The top of the peplos was folded over, looking like a second garment draped down to the waist. It was fastened at the shoulders and belted. In colder weather women would add a shawl called the epiblema. Young men wore the chlamys, a short cloak that was folded over the shoulders, especially while riding horses. In colder weather the himation—a large, loosely draped cloak—was worn fastened over one shoulder. Sometimes men would wear a wide-brimmed hat to help protect them from the sun’s rays.


Tunic

The custom of burying the dead fully clothed and wrapped in multiple layers of fabrics began in Coptic Christian communities in Egypt in the 3rd century AD.

This natural-coloured wool tunic with tapestry woven ornaments was for a young child. Its decoration suggests it was a more formal tunic than some others found in graves, as it has a very full complement of ornaments: neck-bands, shoulder-bands, sleeve-bands, shoulder and skirt-squares and hem-bands with upturned ends. The side seams are left open at the top for the child's arms, but it is also equipped with narrow sleeves which could have been used as leading strings. However, the tunic is in a very good condition so it is possible that the little child never wore it in life.

Child's overtunic, woven in cruciform shape on the loom, of natural-coloured (now yellow) wool with woven ornaments in coloured wools and undyed linen thread. The wools are all S spun (possibly of local manufacture). The design is the same back and front although the back is now damaged by body fluids. The tunic has cuff bands, two square panels on the shoulders, a neck-border with pendant medallions, two squares at the bottom and a border round the hem with pendant medallions. The ornaments have a blue ground and are edged with red. They are woven with heads, animals, birds, flowers, circles and other symbols. There are three stripes of red and blue weft-twining on either side of the neck they end in coloured pom-poms, and there are two more stripes of weft-twining at the armpits (these were utilised as guidelines when weaving and also reinforced the turns). The tunic has been woven from proper left side, with starting edge, to right, where warp ends have been twisted into a cord. The woven decorations are also woven left to right, and when made into a tunic, all face sideways. The blanket stitches in natural coloured wool along the neck- and hem borders, are not only decorative, but also strengthen the longer transition between tapestry weave and plain weave. The tunic is left open at the armpits.

Originally the tunic had a waist tuck. Marks of stitches and the remains of sewing thread show a tuck of about 14 cm. The tuck must have been let out prior to burial as the waste discharged from the body covers the whole textile.

Given by Major R. G. Gayer-Anderson Pasha (d. 1945) and Lt. Col. T. G. Gayer-Anderson, C.M.G., S.S.O., The Little Hall Lavenham, Suffolk. At the time of acquisition, five pieces of material for mending were noted in the Accession Register. The Major had corresponded with the V&A since October 2nd 1942, on which date he confirmed what had occurred during a discussion on his and his brother's collections. The said collections were evidently 'scattered (for safety's sake), and confused so that I am now in process of reassembling them here one after the other - and as I do so will forward them at intervals addressed to the Director, Victoria and Albert Museum, S. Kensington if this is in order'. The first items were to be the textiles, Mogul miniatures and Turkish silver. He continued, 'As you and I more or less formulated at our interview, my brother. and I would like the Victoria and Albert to take from each collection. whatever objects it may desire to add (1) to its standing and (2) to its "transport" and travelling collections.' The rest should be submitted to other museums or institutions in London or the provinces, and anything left over to the British Red Cross in London to be disposed of at their occasional sales of antiques. The brothers wished the museum to attach their names as joint donors, and to display the objects as far as possible. The first trunk was delivered on 12/10/1942 and consisted mainly of textiles. They fell into five categories: Oriental textiles (29 pieces), Oriental Garments (56 pieces), Persian and Turkish Lace Edgings (an assortment), ?European Lace (white and red) removed from late Turkish garments (scrolls), and Coptic Textiles (shirts and panels etc) in 7 packets (about 100 pieces in all). Particular value was placed on the Coptic textiles and ideally, the brothers wanted what the V&A did not keep to be passed on as a 'Gayer-Anderson collection' to one museum rather than split up. In a later letter (4/11/1942) he indicated that he would like the Manchester Museum privileged as he had already donated Coptic textiles to them, and he added the Kingston-on-Thames School of Art (Surrey County Council) as a possible beneficiary for the same reasons (18/06/1943).

Of the Coptic pieces, the Major wrote: 'It is regretted that most of these pieces are in an unwashed and unironed crude condition and will require treatment and setting up. This applies especially to the many complete or semi complete examples of SHIRTS'. He added a note explaining, however, that 'All these speciments have been soaked and all major impurities removed'. The contents of each pack are described roughly by number and size (1/10/1942). Miss Clayton of the Department of Textiles was to make the decisions about the textile donations, but this decision was shelved until after the War so that the Museum could compare the pieces with their own collection which was not currently available (Sir Eric Maclagan to the Major, 10/11/1942). Four years later, after the death of the Major, his brother reminded the Museum of its commitment to selecting textiles and passing on others (26/03/1946). Interestingly, the response from the Keeper of Textiles indicated that he was afraid that it might take a little time 'as a number of the Coptic pieces will have to be cleaned before we can form a just opinion about them' in addition much of the collection was not yet back in the museum for the purposes of comparison and the department was short-staffed (George Winfield Digby, 29/04/1946). In December, the Keeper of the Manchester Museum wrote to investigate how far the V&A had progressed in their selection (R.U. Sayer, 2/12/1946). Early in 1947, the decision was made to retain nine pieces, including this child's tunic (2/01/1947). The other eight pieces are now V&A nos. T.8-19-1947. The remaining pieces were duly dispatched to Manchester with an indication that Kingston-on-Thames was next on the list. They had arrived in Manchester by 20/01/1947 and awaited attention from the specialist, Miss Laura Start. On 30 January 1947, James Laver wrote to Col. T. G. Gayer-Anderson to thank him and inform him of the action taken.

Note: The Major had worked in the Colonial Service in Egypt in the 1920s (Frances Pritchard, Clothing Culture: Dress in Egypt in the First Millennium AD. Manchester: Whitworth Art Gallery, 2006, p. 9).

Historical significance: Significant as a relatively rare survival of a child's tunic, with full formal decoration and in good state.

The construction of the tunic was similar for men, women and children: it was made in one piece, which was folded over the shoulders and sewn together along the sides. Sometimes the seam directly under the armpits was open - or both the sleeve seams and the side seams were open. A belt, woven, braided, knitted or tablet woven, was worn to hold the folds of the garment in place.

In the 4th century the technique was improved by weaving the garment in a single section with a slit for the neckline. The garment was woven lengthwise on a loom. Weaving started at the end of one of the sleeves and continued through the body section and then the second sleeve (as in this tunic). This technique required numerous warp threads on a very wide loom. The woven scenes were worked at same time as the base fabric. With the transfer of the Roman empire to Byzantium in 395 AD the sleeves gradually seem to have become narrower and the patterns richer. Woollen (rather than linen) tunics seem to have gradually become more common. Apart from the change in the sleeve fitting, the trunk volume increased. The tight sleeves held the masses of cloth in place.

In this example, the sleeves are incredibly narrow, and could have been used as leading strings (a way of holding on to a child, a little like reins), but would also have kept the wide tunic in place. The tunic is in very good condition given that it came from a tomb. Furthermore, many other preserved children's tunics show signs of wear and tear of life, and several have been repeatedly patched (maybe recycled from child to child). Indeed, this tunic may never have been worn in life. It is a formal tunic with a very full complement of ornaments - neck-bands, shoulder-bands, sleeve-bands, shoulder and skirt-squares, and hem-bands with upturned ends. The patterns of these bands and panels, with human heads, birds and animals in various colours on a blue ground, are imitated from the repeating patterns of a class of much favoured blue silk textiles, woven on the drawloom.

The original broad tuck at the waist of this example seems to have been let out just before burial (the body fluids cover the let down tuck uninterrupted), as the stitch marks are still evident and there are even remains of sewing thread, suggesting a quick unpicking. The waist tuck on children's clothes might fulfil a possible need for letting out to allow for growth, but in this case, it is likely the purpose was to cover the lower body of the dead child (the length of the tunic, with tuck in place, might suggest a boy - see similar tunic in Gothenburg: Erikson, Marianne, Textiles in Egypt 200-1500 AD in Swedish Museum Collections (Göteborg: Röhsska Museet,1997), pp. 84-91).

The custom of burying the dead fully clothed and wrapped in multiple layers of fabrics began in the 3rd century. Although found in graves, only a small number of tunics were actually made as funerary clothing and shrouds. Much of the clothing on corpses was not new, but there are also examples of not completely finished garments. The high mortality rate among children is reflected by the large quantities of children's clothing recovered from burials.

The custom of burying the dead fully clothed and wrapped in multiple layers of fabrics began in Coptic Christian communities in Egypt in the 3rd century AD.

This natural-coloured wool tunic with tapestry woven ornaments was for a young child. Its decoration suggests it was a more formal tunic than some others found in graves, as it has a very full complement of ornaments: neck-bands, shoulder-bands, sleeve-bands, shoulder and skirt-squares and hem-bands with upturned ends. The side seams are left open at the top for the child's arms, but it is also equipped with narrow sleeves which could have been used as leading strings. However, the tunic is in a very good condition so it is possible that the little child never wore it in life.


An Egyptian Child’s tunic from the Mamluk period

This tunic has been dated to the Mamluk period. It is linen, embroidered with dark brown silk. The ground linen has a thread count of 20 per cm. The dimensions of the garment is wider in the sleeves than the length- the height of the shirt is 57 cm and the width in the sleeves is 63.5 cm. This type of shirt represents a break from the Coptic full piece woven tunic. The tailor who made it would have made it the same as adult’s clothes, though cut down from other larger embroidered pieces.
The embroidery is pattern darning, on the gores, sleeves and a “necklace” at the slit of the neckline. The pattern darning also goes down the front and back of the tunic. The tunic’s width is mostly from the gores. The main “body” of the tunic is only slightly wider than the neck hole. The seams are a run and fell seam, as seen today on blue jeans. The embroidery found on children’s garments can vary greatly. I will see about charting this pattern darning style soon.

The tunic is in the Ashmolean Jameel Centre. I highly recommend following the link, as the HD zoom is wonderful.

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Clavus/clavi

G illian Vogelsang-Eastwood and Tineke Rooijakkers discuss the significance of clavi in the early Roman era in the Berg Encyclopedia of World Dress and Fashion (2010):

“Elite men in the early Roman period donned white garments with purple clavi (two vertical bands running down the front and back). Women, on the other hand, wore clothing in various colors, also with clavi. By the late Roman period, garments were increasingly decorated with borders, roundels (round, rectangular, or star-shaped ornaments) and short clavi. During the Byzantine period that followed, the detail within the roundels and clavi became more ornate and colorful, including floral, animal, and human depictions and showing mythological (often Dionysian) scenes.”

The tunic in figure 1 has short clavi on its shoulders and pairs of roundels on the shoulders and body. These designs were tapestry-woven separately and then applied to the linen.

Sara Pendergast, Tom Pendergast, Drew D. Johnson, and Julie L. Carnagie describe the purpose of the clavi in relation to the chlamys, or tunic, in Fashion, Costume, and Culture: Clothing, Headwear, Body Decorations, and Footwear Through the Ages (2013):

“Chlamys, like the one worn by the man on the left, offered warmth and decoration and were often adorned with clavi, or purple stripes.”

Clavi did not have to be a certain color, though red was popular, and likewise, tunics could be a range of colors (Fig. 2) (The Metropolitan Museum of Art).

Phyllis Tortora and Sara Marcketti describe the function and appearance of clavi in their Survey of Historic Costume (2015):

“Beginning in Republican times, senators were distinguished by their dress. Their tunics (and those of the emperor) had broad purple bands that extended vertically from hem to hem across the shoulders. These bands were called clavi (clah’vee), the plural form of clavus (clah’vus).” (91-92)

A pair of clavi whose tunic is long gone can be seen in figure 3. They are highly detailed, with figures of humans and animals.

Carolyn Bradley describes the function and appearance of a clavus in the Western World Costume (1954) as a:

“scarlet and purple stripe worn on the tunica, showing class distinction, used until the 3rd century band of embroidery used in 3rd and 4th centuries.” (76)

Most textiles this old no longer show their original colors. Tyrian purple was a bright reddish-purple color, not the violet we think of as ‘purple’ today, and the clavi and roundels on the tunic in in figure 4 may have originally been a similar color.

Herbert Norris describes the appearance and details of clavi in his Ancient European Costume and Fashion (1999):

Clavi become obsolete as badges of rank. At the end of the first century both clavi lost their significance as badges of rank, since they were used as a fashionable adjunct to the tunica in general, and also worn by women. When the dalmatica came into use, the angustus clavus became its characteristics decoration…During the third and fourth centuries A.D. the clavus was employed not only as a band of plain colour, but frequently as strips of embroidery of beautiful design, or the pattern was woven into the material.” (106)

Fig. 1 - Designer unknown (Egyptian). Richly Decorated Tunic, 660–870 (radiocarbon date, 95% probability). Wool tapestry weave textile (including sleeves): 201 cm x 119.1 cm (79 1/8 in x 46 7/8 in). New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 12.185.2. Gift of Maurice Nahman, 1912. Source: MMA

Fig. 2 - Designer unknown (Egyptian). Tunic, 670-870. Plain woven wool, with appliqué ornaments tapestry-woven in coloured wool and linen on linen warps 131 cm x 209 cm (including sleeves). London: The Victoria and Albert Museum, 291-1891. Source: VAM

Fig. 3 - Designer unknown (Egyptian). Two Shoulder Bands (clavi), 7th–9th century A.D.. Linen and wool 10 x 62 cm (3 15/16 x 24 7/16 in). Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 17.1392a-b. Denman Waldo Ross Collection. Source: MFA Boston

Fig. 4 - Artist unknown (Egyptian). Tunic, probably 5th century. Linen, wool 169 x 140 cm (66.5 x 55 in). New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 26.9.6. Gift of Edward S. Harkness, 1926. Source: MMA


Cloaks

Pallium

The pallium was a worn by both men and women (known as palla for women). It was a rectangular piece of colorful fabric, mostly wool or silk.

Paenula

Worn by both men and women, paenula is a cloak with a hood that was worn during bad weather for protection. If this cloak was made from leather, it was called paenula scortae, and if it was made with heavy felt, the name would be paenula gausapina.

Lacerna

The lacerna, a military cloak, was worn only by people belonging to the middle class. However, many high class people would wear bight-colored lacerna, whereas people belonging to the lower class wore cheaper, dull, and dark cloaks.

Sagum

The sagum is a cloak that was worn by Roman soldiers and officers alike. A shorter version of sagum, called sagulum, was also worn that would reach till the hips.

Laena

The laena was a thick, round-shaped cloak that was folded twice at the shoulders as it was made with heavy fabric.

Paludamentum

The red cloak, called the paludamentum, was worn only by the commander-in-chief (consul or dictator) in the republican times. As part of the ceremony, the commander-in-chief would be given the cloak as it was the symbol of imperial power.

Thus we can see how the various flowing garments formed a part of the ancient Roman culture. Today, we can still catch glimpses of the ancient Roman clothing in many modern attires and designs.