Zelli võitlus, 14. september 1796

Zelli võitlus, 14. september 1796


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Zelli võitlus, 14. september 1796

Zelli lahingus (14. septembril 1796) löödi Austria halvasti kavandatud rünnak kindral Moreau Reini-Moseli armee vastu vahetult enne tema taandumise algust üle Lõuna-Saksamaa, 1796. aasta sügisel.

Suvel 1796 korraldasid prantslased Saksamaale kaheosalise sissetungi. Moreau, kes juhtis lõunapiirkonda, jõudis lõpuks Müncheni äärelinna ja lükkas oma Austria vastased aeglaselt tagasi. Kaugemal põhjas jõudis kindral Jourdan kaugele Lõuna -Saksamaale, kuid samal ajal kui Moreau võitis Friedbergis (24. augustil) võitu, kannatas Jourdan ertshertsog Karli käe all Ambergis, 80 miili kaugusel.

Moreau jätkas edasiminekut septembri lõpuni, kuid kui Saksa ajalehed teatasid Ambergi uudistest, hakkas ta hoogu maha võtma. Kui uudis kinnitust leidis, otsustas Moreau, et peab Jourdani aitamiseks midagi ette võtma.

Moreau otsustas saata Desaixi koos kogu oma armee vasaku tiivaga Nürnbergi, kus ta lootis, et see leiab Jourdani. 10. septembril ületas Desaix Neuburgi juures Doonau ja alustas lühiajalist marssi põhja poole. Selleks ajaks oli Jourdan kaugel läänes. 3. septembril oli ta saanud teise lüüasaamise Würzburgis, kuuskümmend miili Nürnbergist läänes, ja 10. septembriks lähenes ta Maini -äärsele Frankfurdile. Desaixi marss võis lõppeda ainult ebaõnnestumisega.

Moreau saatis ülejäänud oma armee nii halvasti, et iga pädev kindral oleks võinud talle purustava lüüasaamise teha. Suurem osa tema keskusest kolis Unterstadti, Doonau põhjakaldale Neuburgi lähedale. Delmas jäi Zelli lõunakaldale koos kuue pataljoniga jõeületust valvama. Kindral Ferino, kes saadeti Lechi sildu valvama, asus ametisse Friedbergis, täpselt Augsburgist ida pool, Paari ja Lechi jõgede vahel, kaugel üle kahekümne miili Neuburgist edelas.

Moreau õnneks polnud Latour eriti võimekas kindral. Seistes silmitsi laialt levinud vastasega, näib tema esimene mõte alati olnud end sama õhukeseks ajada. Selle asemel, et koondada kogu oma armee või suurem osa oma armeest Ferino või Moreau vastu, otsustas ta saata ühe diviisi (Mercantin), et rünnata prantslasi Neubourgis. Froelich saadeti Landsbergisse, kakskümmend viis miili Augsburgist lõuna pool Lechi. Nauendorf saadeti Doonau põhjakaldale. Latour ise jõudis edasi Schrobenhauseni, veidi vähem kui viisteist miili Neuburgist lõunasse ja Augsburgist kakskümmend miili kirdesse.

14. septembril ründas Mercantin udu varjus Delmasi kuut pataljoni. Delmase mehed jõudsid murdmise lähedale. Delmas ja Oudinot said mõlemad lahingutes haavata, jättes diviisi ilma ülemata. Moreau asetas end divisjoni etteotsa, kuid kui Latour oleks reaalses rünnakus rünnanud, oleks see koht kaotatud. Selle asemel suutsid prantslased piisavalt kaua vastu pidada, et Saint-Cyr saaks põhjakaldalt täiendust saata, ja lõpuks võideti Austria rünnak.

Austerlased tegid prantslaste positsioonile veel kaks rünnakut, mis mõlemad lõppesid ebaõnnestumisega. Kolmas ja viimane rünnak lõppes, kui Austria ratsavägi murdis ja põgenes viis miili itta Lichtenausse.

Kuigi prantslased olid Latouri rünnaku võitnud, teadis Moreau nüüd, et Jourdan taandub tagasi Reini äärde. Desaixil anti käsk marssida tagasi Doonau äärde, ületades selle lõunakaldale 16. septembril. Seejärel alustas Moreau aeglast taganemist mööda Doonaud, lootes järgida jõe ülemjooksu tagasi Schwarzwaldi ja Reini jõele. Ta oli isegi piisavalt enesekindel, et teha paus Ulmist lõunasse, kus ta kaotas Latourile (Biberachi lahing, 2. oktoober 1796), kuid see andis ertshertsog Charlesile aega Jourdani üle Reini sundimise lõuna poole liikuda ja Moreau sai lüüasaamist. Emmendingen (19. oktoober 1796) ja Schliengen (23. oktoober 1796) Schwarzwaldi läänepoolsetel nõlvadel, enne kui üle Reini üle sõidavad.

Napoleoni koduleht | Raamatud Napoleoni sõdadest | Teemaindeks: Napoleoni sõjad


Jesuiitide ordu loodi

Roomas saab Jeesuse Selts ja roomakatoliku misjoniorganisatsioon oma harta paavst Paulus III käest. Jesuiitide ordu mängis vastureformatsioonis olulist rolli ja lõpuks õnnestus miljonid inimesed üle maailma katoliku usku pöörata.

Jesuiitide liikumise asutas Hispaania sõdur Ignatius de Loyola, kes sai preestriks augustis 1534. Esimesed jesuiidid ja#x2013Ignatius ning kuus tema õpilast andsid vaesuse ja kasinuse tõotusi ning tegid plaane moslemite pöördumise nimel. Kui reisimine Pühale Maale ei olnud võimalik, lubasid nad end paavstile apostellikuks tööks pakkuda. Kuna nad ei saanud Türgi sõdade tõttu Jeruusalemma sõita, läksid nad hoopis Rooma paavstiga kohtuma ja taotlema luba uue religioosse korra loomiseks. Septembris 1540 kiitis paavst Paulus III heaks Ignatius ’ Jeesuse Seltsi ülevaate ja jesuiitide ordu sündis.

Ignatiuse ja#karismaatilise juhtimise ajal kasvas Jeesuse Selts kiiresti. Jesuiitidest misjonärid mängisid vastureformatsioonis juhtivat rolli ja võitsid tagasi paljud protestantlusele kaotatud Euroopa ustavad. Ignatiuse eluajal saadeti jesuiite ka Indiasse, Brasiiliasse, Kongo piirkonda ja Etioopiasse. Haridus oli jesuiitidele ülimalt tähtis ning Roomas asutas Ignatius Rooma kolledži (hiljem nimetatud Gregoriuse ülikooliks) ja Germanicumi, saksa preestrite kooli. Jesuiidid juhtisid ka mitmeid heategevusorganisatsioone, näiteks üks endistele prostituutidele ja teine ​​pöördunud juutidele. Kui Ignatius de Loyola 1556. aasta juulis suri, oli seal üle 1000 jesuiidi preestri.


Õed -vennad

  • Catharina Lenz 1820-1820
  • Eva Lenz 1821-1827
  • Margaretha Lenz 1823-1882
  • Maria Lenz 1824-
  • Maria Lenz 1827-
  • Johann Lenz 1833-1834
  • Anna Margaretha Lenz 1835-

Poolõed-vennad

  • koos Johann Jakob Klinkneriga 1743-1781
    • Maria Magdalena Klinkner † 1817
    • Matthias Klinkner 1772-1773
    • Johann Jakob Klinkner 1775-1781
    • Christian Klinkner 1778-

    Zelli võitlus, 14. september 1796 - ajalugu

    Näib, et Ameerika Ühendriikide täidesaatva valitsuse juhtimiseks on kodanike uute valimiste periood kaugel ja tegelikult saabus aeg, mil teie mõtted tuleb ära kasutada selle olulise usaldusega riietatava isiku määramisel. minu jaoks õige, eriti kuna see võib kaasa tuua avaliku hääle selgema väljenduse, et ma peaksin teile nüüd teatama oma koostatud resolutsioonist, et mitte arvestada nende hulgaga, kelle hulgast tuleb valida .

    Ma palun teil samal ajal teha mulle õigust, et olla kindel, et seda resolutsiooni ei ole vastu võetud, arvestamata rangelt kõiki kaalutlusi, mis puudutavad suhteid, mis seovad kohusetundliku kodaniku tema riigiga, ja pakkumist tagasi võttes. teenimine, mida vaikimine minu olukorras võib tähendada, ei mõjuta mind teie tulevikuhuvi alandamine, tänulik lugupidamine teie mineviku lahkuse vastu, kuid mind toetab täielik veendumus, et see samm sobib mõlemaga.

    Ameti aktsepteerimine ja senine jätkamine, kuhu teie valimisõigused on mind kaks korda kutsunud, on olnud ühtlane ohver kohusetunnetusele kaldumisele ja lugupidamisele selle vastu, mis näis olevat teie soov. Ma lootsin pidevalt, et minu võimuses oleks olnud palju varem, järjepidevalt motiividega, mida ma ei saanud vabalt ignoreerida, naasta selle pensionipõlve juurde, millest ma olin vastumeelselt eemaldunud. Minu eelnevate valimiste eelne kalduvus seda teha oli isegi viinud selleni, et koostati pöördumine selle kuulutamiseks teile, kuid küps mõtisklus tollaste hämmeldunud ja kriitiliste hoiakute kohta välisriikidega ning üksmeelne nõuanne. inimesi, kellel on õigus minu usaldusele, sundis mind ideest loobuma.

    Mul on hea meel, et teie mure, nii väline kui ka sisemine, ei muuda enam kalduvuse püüdlust vastuollu kohusetunde ega sobilikkusega ning olen veendunud, et olenemata sellest, millist erapooletust minu teenuste osas säilitatakse, on see, et praegustes tingimustes meie riigist, ei pane te pahaks minu otsust pensionile jääda.

    Muljeid, millega ma vaevalise usalduse esmakordselt ette võtsin, seletati õigel ajal. Selle usalduse täitmisel ütlen vaid, et olen heade kavatsustega panustanud valitsuse korraldamisse ja haldamisse, mille parimaid jõupingutusi väga ekslik kohtuotsus oli võimeline andma. Mitte teadvuseta oma kvalifikatsiooni alaväärsuse alguses, kogemused minu enda silmis, võib -olla isegi rohkem teiste silmis, on tugevdanud motiive enda hajutamiseks ja iga päevaga manitseb aastate kasvav kaal üha enam, et pensionipõlv on mulle nii vajalik kui ka teretulnud. Olles rahul, et kui mingid asjaolud on minu teenustele omapärase väärtuse andnud, olid need ajutised, siis lohutan end uskumast, et kuigi valik ja ettevaatlikkus kutsuvad mind poliitilisest stseenist loobuma, ei keela patriotism seda.

    Ootades hetke, mille eesmärk on lõpetada minu avaliku elu karjäär, ei luba mu tunded mul peatada selle tänuvõlga sügavat tunnustamist, mille võlgnen oma armastatud riigile tänu mulle antud paljude autasude eest veelgi enam selle kindlameelse enesekindluse pärast, millega see mind on toetanud, ja nende võimaluste eest, mida olen nautinud, et avaldada oma puutumatut kiindumust ustavate ja püsivate teenistuste kaudu, kuigi kasulikkus ei ole minu innukusele võrdne. Kui nendest teenustest on meie riigile kasu olnud, pidage seda alati teie kiituseks meeles ja õpetliku näitena meie aastaraamatutes, et olukordades, kus kired, mis olid igast küljest ärevad, võisid mõnikord eksitada kahtlased, ebaõnnestunud õnneolukorrad, mis sageli heidutavad, olukordades, kus ebaõnnestumine ei ole harvemini edu saavutanud, on kriitika vaimu tundnud, oli teie toetuse püsivus nende jõupingutuste peamine toetus ja tagatis plaanidele, millega need ellu viidi. Selle mõttega sügavalt läbi tungides kannan selle endaga hauale, kui tugevat õhutust lakkamatutele tõotustele, et taevas jätkab teile oma heaolu valikulisemaid märke, et teie liit ja vennalik kiindumus oleks igavene, et vaba põhiseadus, mis on teie kätetöö, võib pühalikult väita, et selle haldamine igas osakonnas võib olla tarkuse ja voorusega, mis võib lõppkokkuvõttes muuta nende riikide elanike õnne vabaduse egiidi all täielikuks. selle õnnistuse hoolikas säilitamine ja nii ettevaatlik kasutamine, et nad saaksid au, kui soovitaksid seda aplausile, kiindumusele ja vastuvõtmisele igale rahvale, kes on talle veel võõras.

    Siin võib -olla peaksin lõpetama. Kuid hoolitsus teie heaolu eest, mis ei saa lõppeda mu eluga, ja sellele ohtlikkusele omane ärevus, kutsub mind sellisel puhul nagu praegune üles pakkuma oma pidulikule mõtisklusele ja soovitama oma sagedast ülevaatamist , mõned tunded, mis tulenevad suurest järelemõtlemisest, tähelepanuväärsetest tähelepanekutest ja mis tunduvad mulle ülimalt olulised teie kui rahva õnnelikkuse püsimiseks. Neid pakutakse teile suurema vabadusega, sest näete neis ainult lahkuva sõbra huvituid hoiatusi, kellel ei pruugi olla isiklikke motiive oma nõuandeid kallutada. Samuti ei saa ma selle julgustuseks unustada, et te andestavalt vastu võtsite minu tundeid endisel ja mitte erineval juhul.

    Nagu vabadusearmastus on põimunud iga teie südame sidemega, pole kiindumuse tugevdamiseks või kinnitamiseks vaja minu soovitusi.

    Valitsuse ühtsus, mis moodustab teid ühe rahva, on teile samuti kallis. See on õigustatult nii, sest see on teie tõelise iseseisvuse ehitise põhisammas, teie kodurahu toetamine, rahu välismaal ja teie heaolu turvalisus just selle vabaduse eest, mida te nii kõrgelt hindate. Aga kuna on lihtne ette näha, et erinevatel põhjustel ja erinevatest osadest tehakse palju pingutusi, kasutatakse mitmeid kunstiteoseid, et nõrgestada teie meelest veendumust selles tões, sest see on teie poliitilise kindluse punkt, mille vastu sisemisi ja väliseid vaenlasi suunatakse kõige pidevalt ja aktiivselt (kuigi sageli varjatult ja salakavalalt), on lõpmatu hetk, mil peaksite õigesti hindama oma rahvusliku liidu tohutut väärtust oma kollektiivsele ja individuaalsele õnnele, mida peaksite hoidma südamliku, harjumuspärase ja liikumatu kiindumus sellesse, harjudes sellest mõtlema ja sellest rääkima kui oma poliitilise turvalisuse ja heaolu pallaadiumist, mis jälgib selle säilimist armukade ärevusega, vähendades kõike, mis võib isegi vihjata kahtlusele, et selle võib igal juhul hüljata ja nördinult kortsutada esimene koidik igast katsest võõrandada osa meie riigist muust või kahjustada püha d sidemed, mis ühendavad nüüd erinevaid osi.

    Selleks on teil kõik kaastunde ja huvi tekitajad. Kodanikel, sündides või ühise riigi valikul, on sellel riigil õigus teie kiindumusi koondada. Ameeriklase nimi, mis kuulub teile teie rahvuslikul tasandil, peab alati ülendama isamaalisuse õiglast uhkust rohkem kui ükski kohalikust diskrimineerimisest tulenev nimetus. Väikeste erinevuste korral on teil sama religioon, kombed, harjumused ja poliitilised põhimõtted. Te olete ühisel eesmärgil võidelnud ja triumfeerinud koos teiega iseseisvuse ja vabaduse, mis on ühiste nõuannete töö ning ühiste ohtude, kannatuste ja õnnestumiste ühine jõupingutus.

    Kuid need kaalutlused, olenemata sellest, kui tugevalt nad teie tundlikkusele keskenduvad, kaaluvad oluliselt üles need, mis kehtivad teie huvidele kohe. Siin leiab iga osa meie riigist kõige juhtivamaid motiive terviku liidu hoolikaks valvamiseks ja säilitamiseks.

    Põhi leiab piiramatul suhtlemisel lõunamaaga, mida kaitsevad ühise valitsuse võrdsed seadused, viimaste toodangust leiab suuri laevandus- ja kaubandusettevõtete lisavahendeid ning töötleva tööstuse väärtuslikke materjale. Lõuna, samas vahekorras, mis on Põhja agentuurile kasulik, näeb oma põllumajanduse kasvu ja kaubanduse laienemist. Muutes osaliselt oma kanaliteks Põhja meremehed, leiab ta, et selle eriline navigeerimine on elavnenud ning kuigi see aitab eri viisidel siseriikliku navigatsiooni üldist massi toita ja suurendada, ootab ta merejõu kaitsmist. , millega ise on ebavõrdselt kohanenud. Idas leiab sarnases vahekorras läänega juba praegu ning sise- ja maapealsete sidepidamiste järkjärgulisel parandamisel üha enam väärtuslikku õhku kaupadele, mida ta välismaalt toob või kodus toodab. Lääs pärineb idast oma kasvuks ja mugavuseks vajalikest varudest ning mis võib -olla on veelgi suurem, peab ta oma toodangu jaoks hädavajalike turustusvõimaluste turvalise nautimise tõttu võlgnema kaalu, mõju ja tulevase merejõu tõttu. liidu Atlandi ookeani poolel, mida juhib lahutamatu huviringkond ühe rahvusena. Mis tahes muu ametiaeg, mille jooksul Lääs saab seda olulist eelist omada, olgu see siis omaenda tugevusest või usust taganenud ja ebaloomulikust seosest võõra võimuga, peab olema olemuslikult ebakindel.

    Kuigi iga meie riigi osa tunneb seega viivitamatut ja erilist huvi liidu vastu, ei saa kõik osad kombineeritud vahendite ja jõupingutuste massist leida suuremat jõudu, suuremat ressurssi, proportsionaalselt suuremat turvalisust välisohu eest, vähem sageli katkestavad nende rahu välisriigid ja mis on hindamatu väärtusega, peavad nad tulema liidust vabastuse nendest lahingutest ja sõdadest, mis nii sageli mõjutavad naaberriike, mis pole samade valitsuste poolt omavahel seotud, mida nende enda rivaallaevad ainuüksi oleks piisav tootmiseks, kuid mis vastupidised välisliidud, kiindumused ja intriigid stimuleeriksid ja kibestuksid. Seega väldivad nad vajadust nende ülekasvanud sõjaväeasutuste järele, mis mis tahes valitsusvormi korral on vabadusele kahjulikud ja mida tuleb pidada vabariigi vabaduse suhtes eriti vaenulikuks. Selles mõttes on see, et teie liitu tuleks pidada teie vabaduse peamiseks toeks ja ühe armastus peaks teile aitama teise kaitsmist.

    Need kaalutlused räägivad veenvat keelt igale peegeldavale ja vooruslikule meelele ning näitavad liidu jätkumist kui isamaalise iha esmast objekti. Kas on kahtlust, kas ühine valitsus suudab nii suure sfääri omaks võtta? Las kogemus lahendab. Pelgalt spekulatsioonide kuulamine sellisel juhul oli kuritegelik. Meil on õigus loota, et terviku nõuetekohane korraldamine koos vastavate allüksuste valitsuste abiagentuuriga pakub eksperimendile rõõmu. See on õiglast ja täielikku katset väärt. Selliste võimsate ja ilmsete motiividega liituda, mis mõjutavad kõiki meie riigi osi, kuigi kogemus ei ole näidanud selle teostamatust, on alati põhjust umbusaldada nende isamaalisust, kes võivad igal kvartalil püüda oma bände nõrgendada.

    Mõtiskledes põhjuste üle, mis võivad meie liitu häirida, on tõsiselt murettekitav, et osapoolte iseloomustamiseks oleks pidanud leidma mis tahes aluse geograafilise diskrimineerimise alusel, kuna Põhja- ja Lõuna-, Atlandi ja Lääne -alad, kust mehi kavandades võib püüda tekitada usku, et on olemas kohalike huvide ja vaadete tõeline erinevus. Üks osapooltest, kes soovivad teatud piirkondades mõju saavutada, on teiste ringkondade arvamuste ja eesmärkide vale esitamine. Te ei saa end liiga palju kaitsta armukadeduse ja kõrvetiste eest, mis tulenevad nendest väärarusaamadest, mis kipuvad üksteisele võõraks need, kes peaksid olema seotud vennaliku kiindumusega. Meie lääneriigi elanikel on viimasel ajal olnud kasulik õppetund sellest peast, mida nad on näinud täitevvõimu läbirääkimistel ja senati ühehäälsel ratifitseerimisel Hispaaniaga sõlmitud lepingust ning selle sündmuse üldisest rahulolust, kogu Ameerika Ühendriikides otsustav tõestus selle kohta, kui alusetud olid nende seas kahtlustused valitsussektori ja Atlandi ookeani riikide poliitikas, mis ei ole nende huvidele vastane seoses Mississippiga, sest nad on olnud tunnistajaks kahe lepingu sõlmimisele. Suurbritannia ja Hispaania, kes kindlustavad neile kõik, mida nad meie välissuhete osas soovivad, oma jõukuse kinnitamiseks. Kas pole nende tarkus loota nende eeliste säilitamiseks liidule, mille kaudu need hangiti? Kas nad ei jää edaspidi kurtideks nende nõustajate suhtes, kui selliseid leidub, kes lahutaksid nad oma vendadest ja ühendaksid nad tulnukatega?

    Teie liidu tõhususe ja püsivuse huvides on valitsus tervikuna hädavajalik. Ükski osade vaheline liit, olgu see nii range, ei saa olla piisav asendaja, nad peavad paratamatult kogema rikkumisi ja katkestusi, mida kõik liidud on alati kogenud. Mõistes seda olulist tõde, parandasite oma esimest esseed, võttes vastu valitsuse põhiseaduse, mis on paremini arvutatud kui teie endine intiimse ühenduse jaoks, ja oma ühiste murede tõhusaks juhtimiseks. See valitsus, meie enda valitud järeltulija, mõjutamata ja seaduseta, võeti vastu täieliku uurimise ja küpse kaalumise järel, oma põhimõtetest täiesti vabalt, oma volituste jaotamisel, ühendades julgeoleku energiaga ja sisaldades endas sätteid oma muudatuste tegemiseks , on õigustatud teie usaldusele ja teie toetusele. Autoriõiguste austamine, seaduste järgimine, meetmetega nõustumine on tõelise vabaduse põhiõiguste kohustused. Meie poliitiliste süsteemide alus on inimeste õigus teha ja muuta oma valitsuse põhiseadusi. Kuid põhiseadus, mis igal ajal eksisteerib, kuni seda muudetakse kogu rahva selgesõnalise ja autentse teoga, on kõigile püha. Juba idee rahva võimust ja õigusest luua valitsus eeldab iga inimese kohustust alluda väljakujunenud valitsusele.

    Kõik takistused seaduste täitmisel, kõik kombinatsioonid ja assotsiatsioonid, mis tahes usutava iseloomuga, mille tegelik eesmärk on juhtida, kontrollida, tõrjuda või aukartada moodustatud võimude korrapärast arutamist ja tegutsemist, kahjustavad seda aluspõhimõtet ja saatuslikust kalduvusest. Nende ülesandeks on fraktsiooni korraldamine, kunstliku ja erakordse jõu andmine, et panna rahva delegeeritud tahte asemele partei tahe, sageli väike, kuid osav ja ettevõtlik kogukonna vähemus, ning asendusliikme sõnul erinevate parteide võidukäigud, et avalik haldus oleks pigem halvasti kooskõlastatud ja vastuoluliste fraktsioonide projektide peegel, mitte järjepidevate ja tervislike plaanide organ, mida ühised nõuanded seedivad ja vastastikused huvid muudavad.

    Kuid ülaltoodud kirjelduste kombinatsioonid või ühendused võivad aeg -ajalt populaarsetele eesmärkidele vastata, muutuvad need aja ja asjade käigus tõenäoliselt tugevateks mootoriteks, mille abil saavad kavalad, ambitsioonikad ja põhimõttetud mehed õõnestada võimu. rahvale ja endale valitsuse ohjad anastada, hävitades tagantjärele need mootorid, mis on tõstnud nad ebaõiglasele võimule.

    Oma valitsuse säilitamise ja teie praeguse õnneliku seisundi püsivuse nimel on vajalik mitte ainult see, et te jätate pidevalt kõrvale ebaseaduslikud opositsioonid selle tunnustatud autoriteedile, vaid ka see, et te seisate hoolega vastu uuenduste vaimule selle põhimõtete suhtes, olgu need siis millised tahes. ettekäändeid. Üks rünnakumeetod võib olla põhiseaduse vormis muudatuste tegemine, mis kahjustavad süsteemi energiat, ja seeläbi kahjustada seda, mida ei saa otseselt ümber lükata. Pidage meeles, et kõikides muudatustes, kuhu teid võidakse kutsuda, on aega ja harjumust vähemalt sama vaja valitsuste kui teiste inimasutuste tegeliku iseloomu kindlakstegemiseks, kuna see kogemus on kõige kindlam standard olemasoleva põhiseaduse tegeliku tendentsi testimiseks riigist, kes muudab hüpoteesi ja arvamuse tõttu muutusi, püsivatele hüpoteeside ja arvamuste mitmekesisusele, ning pidage meeles, et teie ühishuvide tõhusaks haldamiseks nii ulatuslikus riigis nagu meiegi, on hädavajalik nii jõuline valitsus, kui see on kooskõlas täiusliku vabaduse turvalisusega. Liberty ise leiab sellises valitsuses, mille volitused on õigesti jaotatud ja reguleeritud, oma kindlaima eestkostja. See on tõepoolest vähe muud kui nimi, kus valitsus on liiga nõrk, et vastu pidada fraktsioonide ettevõtmistele, piirata iga ühiskonnaliikme seadustega ettenähtud piirides ja säilitada kõik turvaliselt ja rahulikult. isiku ja vara õigused.

    Ma olen teile juba osutanud osalisriikide ohtu riigis, pidades eelkõige silmas nende asutamist geograafilise diskrimineerimise osas. Lubage mul nüüd vaadata kõikehõlmavamalt ja hoiatada teid kõige pidulikumal viisil erakonnavaimu kahjulike mõjude eest.

    See vaim on kahjuks meie olemusest lahutamatu, selle juured on inimmõistuse tugevaimates kirgedes. See eksisteerib erineva kuju all kõikides valitsustes, enam -vähem lämmatatud, kontrollitud või allasurutud, kuid rahvapärases vormis on seda näha oma suurimas auastmes ja see on tõepoolest nende halvim vaenlane.

    Ühe fraktsiooni vahelduv domineerimine teise üle, mida teravdab kättemaksu vaim, mis on loomulik erakondade lahkarvamustele, mis on eri ajastutel ja riikides toime pannud kõige kohutavamaid tohutusi, on iseenesest hirmutav despoot. Kuid see viib pikemalt ametlikuma ja püsivama despootiani. Sellest tulenevad häired ja viletsused kalduvad inimeste meelt järk -järgult otsima turvalisust ja puhkama üksikisiku ja varem või hiljem mõne valitseva fraktsiooni juhi, võimekama või õnnelikumana kui tema konkurendid, võimuses, muudab selle käitumise otstarbekaks. tema enda kõrguselt, avaliku vabaduse varemetel.

    Ootamata sellist äärmust (mis siiski ei tohiks olla silmapiirilt kadunud), piisab partei vaimu tavalistest ja pidevatest pahandustest, et muuta targa rahva huvi ja kohustus seda heidutada ja ohjeldada .

    Selle eesmärk on alati häirida avalikke nõukogusid ja nõrgendada avalikku haldust. See ärritab kogukonda põhjendamatult armukadeduse ja valehäiretega, sütitab ühe osa vaenu teise vastu, õhutab aeg-ajalt mässu ja ülestõusu. See avab ukse välismaisele mõjule ja korruptsioonile, mis leiab erakondade kirgede kaudu hõlbustatud juurdepääsu valitsusele endale. Seega allub ühe riigi poliitika ja tahe teise poliitikale ja tahtele.

    Arvatakse, et vabade riikide parteid on kasulikud kontrollid valitsuse juhtimisele ja aitavad säilitada vabaduse vaimu. See on teatud piirides ilmselt tõsi ja monarhilise koosseisu valitsustes võib patriotism vaadata järeleandlikult, kui mitte soosivalt, parteivaimu. Kuid populaarse iseloomuga valitsustes, mis on puhtalt valikulised, on see vaim, mida ei julgustata. Nende loomuliku kalduvuse tõttu on kindel, et seda vaimu jätkub alati igaks tervitavaks eesmärgiks. Ja pideva ülemäärase ohu korral peaks selle leevendamiseks ja leevendamiseks tegema jõupingutusi avaliku arvamuse jõul. Tuld ei tohi kustutada, see nõuab ühtlast valvsust, et vältida selle leekideks puhkemist, muidu ei peaks see soojenemise asemel tarbima.

    Samuti on oluline, et vaba riigi mõtlemisharjumused ärgitaksid haldama neid, kellele see on usaldatud, olema ettevaatlikud, piirduma oma põhiseadussfääridega, vältides ühe osakonna volituste teostamist teise riivamises. Sissetungimise vaim kipub koondama kõigi osakondade volitused ühte ja looma seeläbi, olenemata valitsemisvormist, tõelise despotismi. Õige hinnang selle võimuarmastusele ja kalduvusele seda kuritarvitada, mis valitseb inimese südames, on piisav, et rahuldada selle positsiooni tõde. Vastastikuste kontrollide vajalikkust poliitilise võimu teostamisel, jagades ja jaotades need erinevatesse depositooriumidesse ning moodustades igaüks avalikkuse kaitsja teiste sissetungide eest, on tõestanud iidsed ja kaasaegsed katsed, mõned neist meie riigis ja meie enda silmade all. Nende säilitamine peab olema sama vajalik kui nende kehtestamine. Kui rahva arvates on põhiseadusliku võimu jaotamine või muutmine mingis konkreetses vales, siis parandage seda põhiseaduses ettenähtud viisil. Kuid ärgu muutkugu usurpeerimine, sest kuigi see võib ühel juhul olla hea vahend, on see tavaline relv, millega vabad valitsused hävitatakse. Pretsedent peab püsiva kurjuse korral alati suuresti tasakaalustama mis tahes osalise või mööduva kasu, mida kasutamine võib igal ajal anda.

    Kõigist poliitilisse õitsengule viivatest hoiakutest ja harjumustest on hädavajalikuks toeks religioon ja moraal. Asjata nõuaks see mees patriotismi austusavaldust, kes peaks vaeva nägema, et õõnestada need inimliku õnne sambad, need inimeste ja kodanike kohustuste kindlamad rekvisiidid. Ainuüksi poliitik, nagu ka vaga mees, peaks neid austama ja austama. Köide ei suutnud jälgida kõiki nende seoseid era- ja avaliku õnnega. Olgu lihtsalt küsitud: kus on vara, maine ja elu turvalisus, kui religioosse kohustuse tunne loobub vandest, mis on kohtus uurimise vahend? Ja lubagem ettevaatlikult eeldusele, et moraali saab säilitada ilma religioonita. Ükskõik, mida võib tunnistada rafineeritud hariduse mõjule omapärase ülesehitusega vaimudele, ei luba mõistus ega kogemused eeldada, et rahvuslik moraal võib võita religioosse põhimõtte välistamisel.

    Sisuliselt on tõsi, et voorus või moraal on rahva valitsemise vajalik allikas. Reegel laieneb tõepoolest enam -vähem jõuga igale vaba valitsuse liigile. Kes on selle jaoks siiras sõber, kes võib ükskõikselt vaadata kanga aluse raputamise katseid?

    Edendage siis esmatähtsa objektina teadmiste üldise levitamise institutsioone. Kui valitsuse struktuur avalikku arvamust jõustab, on avaliku arvamuse valgustamine hädavajalik.

    Olge väga oluline jõu ja turvalisuse allikas, hinnake avalikku krediiti. Üks viis selle säilitamiseks on kasutada seda võimalikult säästlikult, vältides rahu edendamisega kulusid, kuid pidades meeles ka seda, et õigeaegsed väljamaksed ohu ettevalmistamiseks takistavad sageli palju suuremaid väljamakseid selle tõrjumiseks, vältides ühtlasi võlgade kogunemist. vältides kulusid, kuid jõuliselt pingutades rahu ajal võlgade kustutamiseks, mille vältimatud sõjad võisid tekitada, mitte heideldes ülekohtuselt järeltulijatele koormat, mida me ise peaksime kandma. Nende maksimumide täitmine kuulub teie esindajatele, kuid on vajalik, et avalik arvamus teeks koostööd. Et hõlbustada nende ülesannete täitmist, peate praktiliselt meeles pidama, et võlgade tasumisel peavad olema tulud, mille tulu saamiseks peavad olema maksud, mida ei saa välja mõelda ja mis ei ole rohkem ega vähem inconvenient and unpleasant that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.

    Observe good faith and justice towards all nations cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it - It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue ? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Paraku! is it rendered impossible by its vices?

    In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another a habitual hatred or a habitual fondness is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence, frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject at other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations, has been the victim.

    So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation), facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.

    As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils. Such an attachment of a small or weak towards a great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.

    Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy to be useful must be impartial else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.

    The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.

    Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people under an efficient government. the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

    Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor or caprice?

    It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

    Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

    Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences consulting the natural course of things diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing establishing (with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them) conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

    In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

    How far in the discharge of my official duties I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

    In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the twenty-second of April, I793, is the index of my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

    After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.

    The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

    The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.

    The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

    Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence and that, after forty five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

    Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever-favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.


    2nd Battalion, 1st Infantry Regiment "Cold Steel"

    In 2007, the 2nd Battalion, 1st Infantry Regiment was reactivated as part of the 5th Brigade Combat Team, 2nd Infantry Division at Fort Lewis, Washington. Previously, it had been assigned to the 172nd Infantry Brigade Combat Team at Fort Wainwright, Alaska. There its mission had been to, on order, deploy worldwide, secure a lodgment, and conduct combat operations in support of US national interests.

    The 1st Infantry Regiment draws its lineage from a distinguished line of post Revolutionary War Infantry Regiments. The 1st Infantry Regiment was originally constituted in the Regular Army as the 2nd Infantry Regiment in March 1791. 2nd Battalion, 1st Infantry Regiment traces its lineage back to a company of the 2nd Infantry. The 1st Infantry was redesignated in 1792 as the 2nd Sub-Legion, with the unit becoming a company of that formation. The 2nd Sub-Legion then took part in the battle of Fallen Timbers, the first victory for the post-Revolutionary Army. After the Legion system was disbanded the Regiment once again became the 2nd Infantry Regiment on 31 October 1796. In the War of 1812 the 2nd Infantry Regiment, as well as the 7th and 44th Infantry Regiments, fought in the southern theater to include the Battle of New Orleans with General Jackson.

    In 1815 the Army underwent a draw-down. Between May and October 1815, the 2nd, 7th, and 44th Regiments were consolidated into the 1st Infantry Regiment. On 21 August 1816 the company that 2nd Battalion, 1st Infantry traces its lineage to was designated as Company B, 1st Infantry. In the ensuing years the Regiment was primarily concerned with Indian conflicts. The 1st Infantry was involved in the Black Hawk War of 1832 and the Second Seminole War from 1839 to 1842. During this time the Regiment was commanded by one of its most famous commanders, Colonel Zachary Taylor, who would later become the 12th President of the United States.

    When War broke out with Mexico in 1846 the 1st Infantry Regiment was sent across the border with General Zachary Taylor's Army and participated in the storming of Monterrey where the Regiment fought house to house in savage hand to hand combat. From Monterrey the Regiment was transferred to General Winfield Scott's command and participated in the first modern amphibious landing in American history at Vera Cruz in 1847.

    Following the Mexican War, the Regiment campaigned in the Texas area against the Comanches until the outbreak of the Civil War in 1861. After escaping from rebel forces in Texas, the Regiment returned to the Mid-west and fought in the Mississippi area of operations. The Regiment fought in one of the first battles of the Civil War at Wilson's Creek, Missouri in 1862. The 1st Infantry then campaigned with General Grant against Vicksburg in 1863. The end of the War found the Regiment garrisoning New Orleans.

    After the Civil War the Regiment was sent West to fight the Indians once again. Company B, 1st Infantry was consolidated in April 1869 with Company B, 43rd Infantry, Veteran Reserve Corps (which had been first constituted 21 September 1866), and the consolidated unit remained designated as Company B, 1st Infantry. The 1st Infantry campaigned against the Sioux in the 1870's and 1890's and against the Apache, led by Geronimo, from 1882 to 1886. After the end of the Indian wars the Regiment was occupied with quelling labor disputes in California.

    War was declared with Spain in 1898 following the sinking of the USS Maine. The 1st Infantry was quickly sent to Florida where it embarked on ships and was sent to Cuba. While in Cuba the Regiment took part in the storming of the San Juan Heights and the capture of Santiago.

    In 1900, following occupation duty in Cuba, the Regiment was preparing for shipment to China to save foreigners threatened by the Boxer Rebellion. Instead, the Regiment was detoured to deal with the rebellion on the Philippine Islands, which had also been captured by the United States in the Spanish-American War. The Regiment would fight in this vicious guerrilla war in the jungles of the Philippines from 1900-1902 and again from 1906-1908.

    The 1st Infantry was assigned on 11 September 1918 to the 13th Division and relieved on 8 March 1919 from assignment to the 13th Division. It was then assigned on 27 July 1921 to the 2nd Division. It was relieved on 16 October 1939 from assignment to the 2nd Division and assigned to the 6th Division (later redesignated as the 6th Infantry Division).

    The Regiment's next action came in World War II as part of the 6th Infantry Division. The 1st Infantry participated in the destruction of Japanese forces on New Guinea in 1943, winning a Presidential Unit Citation for its action at Maffin Bay. The Regiment then participated in MacArthur's celebrated return to the Philippines in January 1945. After the war the Regiment was sent to Korea for occupation duty until it was deactivated on 10 January 1949.

    In 1950, the Regiment was reactivated at Fort Ord, California as a training regiment for units being sent to the fight in Korea. In 1956 the Regiment was assigned to the United States Military Academy at West Point, New York. Company B, 1st Infantry was inactivated on 15 May 1958 at West Point, New York, relieved from assignment to the United States Military Academy, and redesignated as Headquarters and Headquarters Company, 2nd Battle Group, 1st Infantry with its organic elements concurrently constituted. The Battle Group was assigned on 17 March 1958 to the 2nd Infantry Division and activated on 14 June 1958 at Fort Benning, Georgia. The unit was inactivated on 10 May 1963 at Fort Benning, Georgia, and relieved from assignment to the 2nd Infantry Division.

    The unit was redesignated on 10 September 1965 as the 2nd Battalion, 1st Infantry, and assigned to the 196th Infantry Brigade (Separate). It was activated on 15 September 1965 at Fort Devens, Massachusetts. In 1966, 2-1st Infantry was shipped to Vietnam with the rest of the 196th Infantry Brigade (Separate) where it would fight for the next 6 years. During this time the Regiment fought in 14 campaigns to include the bloody Tet Offensive. The unit was relieved during its service in Vietnam on 15 February 1969 from assignment to the 196th Infantry Brigade (Separate) and assigned to the 23rd Infantry Division. It was later relieved on 1 November 1971 from assignment to the 23rd Infantry Division and assigned back to the 196th Infantry Brigade (Separate).

    Following its tour of duty in Vietnam the Battalion was sent to Fort Lewis, Washington, where it became part of the 9th Infantry Division on 21 July 1972, having been relieved from assignment to the 196th Infantry Brigade (Separate).

    On 16 February 1991, the Battalion became part of the 199th Infantry Brigade (Separate) at Fort Polk, Louisiana, where it remained until inactivation in 1994. At that time it was relieved from assignment to the 199th Infantry Brigade (Separate). On 16 December 1995 the Battalion was reactivated at Fort Wainwright as part of the 6th Infantry Division (Light). It was relieved on 16 April 1998 from assignment to the 6th Infantry Division and assigned to the 172d Infantry Brigade (later redesignated as the 172nd Infantry Brigade Combat Team).

    The unit was redesignated on 1 October 2005 as the 2nd Battalion, 1st Infantry Regiment. It was inactivated on 16 December 2006 at Fort Wainwright, Alaska, and relieved from assignment to the 172nd Infantry Brigade Combat Team. It was assigned on 17 April 2007 to the 5th Brigade Combat Team, 2nd Infantry Division, and activated at Fort Lewis, Washington. In July 2010, 5th Brigade, 2nd Infantry Division was inactivated and reflagged as the 2nd Brigade, 2nd Infantry Division, to which 2-1st Infantry was assigned.


    636th Tank Destroyer Battalion

    Unit History: Activated on 15 December, 1941, at Camp Bowie, Texas. Arrived at Oran, Algeria, on 13 April, 1943. Landed at Paestum, Italy, beginning 13 September, 1943. Elements performed artillery missions, guarded Fifth Army CP, and trained British troops on M10 and TD doctrine in October and November. Reentered line in Mignano sector in late November, supporting assault on San Pietro. Supported Rapido River crossing in January, 1944. Entered Cassino sector in February. Transferred to Anzio beachhead in May. Entered Rome on 4 June. Landed in southern France on 15 August. First unit to enter Lyon and to reach the Moselle River in September. Engaged in the Vosges Mountain region beginning in October. Relieved 601st TD Battalion in Strasbourg in December. Battled German Northwind offensive in January and February, 1945. Converted to M36 beginning late February. Struck Siegfried Line near Wissembourg in late March. Crossed Rhine with 14th Armored Division in April, dashed toward Nürnberg. Ended war in southern Bavaria near Tegernsee. Attached to: 14th Armored Division 36th Infantry Division. History text from the book The Tank Killers by Harry Yeide. Used by permission.

    Combat Equipment: 9/43 - M10 3/45 - M36.

    Commanding Officers: Lt. Col. Van W. Pyland Maj. Regan L. Dubose (4/21/44) Lt. Col. Charles F. Wilber (6/44, WIA 3/17/45) Lt. Col. Edward Purdy (9/27/44 Temporary Duty till Lt. Col. Wilbur's return) Maj. Richard A. Danzi (3/17/45) Lt. Col. James W. Fry (4/13/44 thru 4/21/44)

    Code Name/s: Shamrock

    Campaign Credits: Naples - Foggia. Sept. 9, 1943 to Jan. 21, 1944

    Anzio. Jan. 22, to May 24, 1944

    Rome Arno. Jan. 22, to Sept. 9, 1944

    Southern France. Aug. 15, to Sept. 14, 1944 (Amphib)

    Rhineland. Sept. 15, 1944 to Mar. 21, 1945

    Ardennes-Alsace. Dec. 16, 1944 to Jan 25, 1945

    Central Europe. Mar. 22, to May 11, 1945

    Awards: Croix De Guerre (French or Belgium "Cross of War")

    Location August 1945: Brumath, France

    Additional Information/Materials:

    1.) Seek, Strike, Destroy, the History of the 636th Tank Destroyer Battalion. Written by Thomas M. Sherman, who was a veteran of the 636th, the book has 243 pages and was published in 1986 by Tom, who spent thousands of dollars purchasing unit records, which he then utilized while writing the book. Tom is from Marquette, Nebraska. The book is out of print but can still be purchased through rare and military booksellers. I do have a copy of the book, generously provided to me by Tom. If you have questions, I am willing to take a close look through the book for you.

    2.) Unit Roster - From the book by Tom Sherman and provided here by permission. Please note that the name Robert Burns appears in the roster for Recon. Company. While I can not be sure that there was not a Robert Burns, I do know that T5 John W. Burns was in Recon. Company and his name was ommitted from the list. You can see his Write-up in the Honoree section of the site.

    3.) Combat Highlights, Sept. 3, 1943-May 8, 1945 , 4 pages. Courtesy of the Tank Destroyer Association by L. L. Gill, TDA Historian.

    4.) B Company, 3rd Platoon Personnel List - Provided courtesy of Della Sutton Morris.

    The following documents are from the Combined Arms Research Library of the Command and General Staff College, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, the Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library, Museum and Boyhood Home, Abilene, Kansas (*) and Javier Tome (**).

    Sep. 1-20, 1943. 5 Pages (Operation Avalanche)

    Mar. 1-31, 1944. 15 Pages (Includes casualties, awards and Officer's roster)

    May 1-31, 1944. 20 Pages (Includes casualties, awards and Officer's roster)

    Jul. 1-31, 1944. 14 Pages (Includes awards and Officer's roster)

    Aug. 1-31, 1944. 34 Pages (Includes casualties and awards lists)

    Sep. 1-30, 1944. 31 Pages (Includes casualties, awards and Officer's roster)

    March 1-31, 1945 . 23 Pages (Includes casualties, awards, Officer and Hq Co rosters) (**)

    March 2-31, 1945. 75 Pages (Unit Journal)(**) NOTE - Large File

    May 11-31, 1945 . 28 Pages (Includes unit roster) (*)

    8.) Personal Narratives - These were written by a former veteran of the 636th, during the 1980's, in response to questions he recieved from the author doing research for an upcoming book on U. S. tank destroyer forces. Courtesy of the Tank Destroyer Association by L. L. Gill, TDA Historian.

    9.) Miscellaneous Documents-From the Tank Destroyer Association by L. L. Gill, TDA Historian.

    Co. A at Anzio , narrative by Capt. Robert A. Graham, 1944. 7 Pages
    Unit Commendation, May 25, 1944 . 1 Page
    Articles about a TD named 'Jinx' . 2 Pages
    "The Goering Incident" by Lt. Golden C. Sill, Recon Co. 3 Pages

    11.) Reconnaissance Company - Photo of the the Reconnaissance Company of the 636th, possibly taken at Camp Edwards while they were stationed there from October of 1942 to February of 1943. It was provided courtesy of Charles Burns whose father, John W. Burns, served in the unit and is shown in the second row from the front, 21st soldier from the right. Also in the second row is Leo R. Norkewicz, standing 22nd from the left.

    12.) Single Recon. Platoon - Small group photo of one of the Reconnaissance platoons along with the Recon. Company Commander, Cpt. Paul Kinnison, standing in the center. Kinnison was from San Antonio, Texas. John W. Burns is kneeling in front, 3rd soldier from the left. Photo courtesy of Charles Burns.

    13.) Video Clip, Members of the 636th TD Bn. - It has been identified to me that members of the 636th Tank Destroyer Battalion can be seen crossing a bridge in both the trailer and the actual documentary "The Long Way Home". The 1997 film is an Academy Award winner by Koch Lorber Films. Bret Lyon's father, Robert Lyon, who served in the Reconnaissance Company of the 636th, can be seen walking in the group of men. Bret saw his father quite by accident as he viewed the film. He has provided a link to the trailer, which is included above.

    14.) The Stokes Twins Ride The Oklahoma Widecat: WWII in Europe - Is a 163 page book by author Madlyn V. Stokes about Claude H. Stokes and his twin brother Clyde T. Stokes, who both served in the 636th Tank Destroyer Battalion. The book was published in 2003 and covers their pre and post-war lives. We do not have a copy of the book but it can be purchased from Amazon, which is where the our link takes you.

    15.) Small Group Photo - A group of men from the 636th pose for a photo during the occupation period. Their placard identifies them as the "Goons". Photo courtesy of Margaret Pickett whose father Frank L. Pickett joined the unit during the occupational period from the 55th Armored Engineers Battalion.

    16.) From the Riviera to Zell Am See, A Texas Soldier's Story - Book written by Sgt. Rufus Lester Leggett, which is a memoir of his service with the Reconnaissance Company of the 636th Tank Destroyer Battalion.

    17.) Interview with Rufus Lester Leggett - A detailed inte rview on Leggett's participation in the surrender of Hermann Goering on May 7, 1945.


    Combat of Zell, 14 September 1796 - History

    This is a finding aid. It is a description of archival material held in the Wilson Library at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Unless otherwise noted, the materials described below are physically available in our reading room, and not digitally available through the World Wide Web. See the Duplication Policy section for more information.

    Funding from the State Library of North Carolina supported the encoding of this finding aid.

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    Suurus 1.5 feet of linear shelf space (approximately 200 items)
    Abstract William Lea (1777?-1873), was a merchant of Leasburg, N.C. He had three sons: Willis M., who became a physician and settled in Mississippi Lorenzo, Methodist minister and teacher in Tennessee and Mississippi and Solomon (1807-1897), Methodist minister and schoolmaster at Boydton, Greensboro, and Leasburg. Solomon's six daughters included Adeline, Lilianne, Eugenia, and Wilhelmina (1843-1936). The collection includes letters, 1812-1820s, consisting of family correspondence of William Lea (1777?-1873) and his brothers, Vincent and James, all merchants, writing from Leasburg, N.C., Petersburg and Norfolk, Va., and New York City, chiefly about business matters, prices, economic conditions, debts, current news, and other topics. Letters, 1820s-1850s, are chiefly between William Lea and his children and among the children. Willis M. Lea wrote from Philadelphia, where he was studying medicine, and later from Holly Springs, Miss. Solomon Lea was a student at the University of North Carolina and later lived at Boydton, Farmville, and Greensboro, N.C. Letters from 1861 onwards are chiefly correspondence of the daughters of Solomon Lea, most written by Wilhelmina from the various places where she taught school, including Louisburg, Olin, and other places in North Carolina and Murfreesboro, Tenn., and at the Marshall Institute in Mississippi. Volumes are ledgers, 1797-1803, of William Lea (1751-1806), merchant of Leasburg and uncle of William (1777?-1873) school accounts, 1853-1862, of Solomon Lea, who taught at Somerville Seminary and founded Somerville Female Institute in Leasburg and was president of Greensboro College, 1846-1857 and reminiscences and a 19-volume diary, 1872-1934, of Wilhelmina Lea.
    Creator Lea family.
    Keel English
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    Expand/collapse Subject Headings

    The following terms from Library of Congress Subject Headings suggest topics, persons, geography, etc. interspersed through the entire collection the terms do not usually represent discrete and easily identifiable portions of the collection--such as folders or items.

    Clicking on a subject heading below will take you into the University Library's online catalog.

    • Account books.
    • Diaries.
    • Education--North Carolina--History--19th century.
    • Family--North Carolina--Social life and customs.
    • Greensboro College (N.C.)--History.
    • Lea family.
    • Lea, James, fl. 1812-1830.
    • Lea, Lorenzo.
    • Lea, Solomon, 1807-1897.
    • Lea, Vincent, fl. 1812-1830.
    • Lea, Wilhelmina, 1843-1936.
    • Lea, William, 1751-1806.
    • Lea, William, 1777?-1873.
    • Lea, Willis M., fl. 1826-1940.
    • Leasburg (N.C.)--History--19th Century.
    • Medicine--Study and teaching--United States--History--19th Century.
    • Merchants--North Carolina--History--19th Century.
    • New York (N.C.)--Commerce--History--19th Century.
    • Norfolk (Va.)--Commerce--History--19th Century.
    • Petersburg (Va.)--Commerce--History--19th Century.
    • Physicians--Mississippi--History--19th Century.
    • Somerville Female Institute (Leasburg, N.C.)--History.
    • Somerville Seminary (Leasburg, N.C.)--History.
    • Teachers--North Carolina--History--19th Century.
    • Woman--North Carolina--Diaries.
    • Women teachers--North Carolina--History.
    • Women--North Carolina--Social life and customs.

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    William Lea (1777?-1873), merchant at Leasburg, N.C., was the son of Gabriel Lea (1756-1834). Gabriel also had a brother William who was a merchant.

    William Lea (1777?-1873) had three sons: Willis M., who became a physician and settled in Mississippi Lorenzo, Methodist minister and teacher in Tennessee and Mississippi and Solomon (1807-1897), Methodist minister and schoolmaster at Boydton, Greensboro, and Leasburg. Solomon was president of Greensboro Female College, 1846-1847, and operated the Somerville Female Institute at Leasburg from its founding in 1848 until 1892. William Lea, Jr., was a merchant at Petersburg, Va. Addison was also a Methodist teacher and preacher, mostly in Tennessee William's daughter Anness was the wife of Yancey Wiley of Oxford, Miss.

    Solomon's six daughters, including Wilhelmina (1843-1936). The other daughters were: Anness Sophia, who married Leon Richmond Henrietta, who married M. C. Thomas Adeline, who married B. L. Arnold) Lilianne, who married T. C. Neal and Eugenia, who married Calvin G. Lea. One son died in infancy and one son never married. Three of Eugenia and Calvin G. Lea's daughters married Dunlaps.


    Historical Notes:

    Description of the Insignia: Designed by the crew, the ship's insignia includes a classic profile of America's first president, a band of thirteen stars representing the original colonies and the crossed flags of freedom, all encircled by an unbroken rope representing the solidarity of the crew. The ship's motto, "The Spirit of Freedom," was used by George Washington in a letter to a fellow patriot during the Revolution to describe the mood of the people.


    Ajalugu

    HMS Surprise, originally under french service the Unite, was designed by Pierre-Alexandre Forfait and was designated as a corvette under french service. The Unite launched on the 16th of January 1794.

    On 20 March 1794, lieutenant de vaisseau Jean le Drézénec, who was 41 years old and had entered the naval service soon after the revolution from a career in the merchant service, arrived to take command of Unité. He supervised the fitting out of the ship, and found the long guns were too large to be easily reloaded, and the lower sails were also too large. He notified the authorities, who urged him to finish fitting out the ship because a major naval operation was imminent. Soon afterwards, Unité took part in the battle of the Glorious First of June by escorting the dismasted Révolutionnaire as she was towed by the Audacieux. In June 1794 Unité completed repairs in Saint-Malo and Brest to damage she had sustained in the battle. In the following months she escorted merchant vessels along the coasts of France. On 28 September, with the corvette Bergere and under the command of Lieutenant de Vaisseau Gouley, the two ships left Brest to sail northwest in between Ireland and the islands of the Hebrides and St Kilda to intercept enemy merchant ships. On 17 October, the ships captured a 200 ton merchant ship Dianne. The next day the weather turned foul and the two ships were separated. Unwilling or unable to continue the mission alone, Unité searched for Bergere fruitlessly for sixteen days before finally returning to Brest on 1 November.

    After repairs, Unité was ordered to join the Mediterranean fleet at Toulon, and arrived there in March 1795. She spent the remainder of the year either blockaded in port or serving as a courier. In April 1796, she was ordered on one such courier mission to North Africa to deliver personnel and messages to the port of Bône. At the time, Le Drézénec, who had been recently promoted to capitaine de frégate, was suffering from smallpox and was incapacitated. Consequently, her first lieutenant, Lieutenant Le Breton, commanded Unité. Captain Thomas Fremantle in command of the frigate HMS Inconstant had heard there was a French frigate in Bône, and sailed to intercept her. When Unité arrived in the afternoon of 20 April 1796, the watch aboard Unité identified Inconstant as a neutral vessel and Le Breton did not clear the ship for action. About an hour later, Inconstant sailed alongside, boarded and captured Unité intact. About a year after capture, Unité was renamed HMS Surprise because another French ship also named Unité had already been taken into the navy. Surprise was re-classed by the British as a 28-gun sixth-rate frigate, though she carried twenty-four 32-pounder carronades on her main deck, eight 32-pounders on her quarter- and fore- decks and two (or four) long 6-pound cannons as chasers. As in the French Navy, this led to difficulty in her rating, considered a fifth rate from 1797-98 but a sixth rate the rest of her commission. Also, she bore the main-mast of a 36-gun ship, just as unusual as her large armament.

    Under Captain Edward Hamilton, Surprise sailed in the Caribbean for several years, capturing several privateers. Surprise gained fame for the cutting-out expedition in 1799 of HMS Hermione. Hermione's crew had mutinied, and had sailed her into the Spanish possession of Puerto Cabello. Captain Edward Hamilton of Surprise led a boarding party to retake Hermione and, after an exceptionally bloody action, sailed her out under Spanish gunfire. The Spanish casualties included 119 dead 231 were taken prisoner, while another 15 jumped or fell overboard. Hamilton had 11 injured, four seriously, but none killed.

    After the Treaty of Amiens, the Royal Navy sold Surprise out of the service at Deptford in February 1802 and she was broken up.


    Vaata videot: Amazing World Cup PSP Paintball Mix from PbNation