Bannockburni lahing

Bannockburni lahing



We are searching data for your request:

Forums and discussions:
Manuals and reference books:
Data from registers:
Wait the end of the search in all databases.
Upon completion, a link will appear to access the found materials.

1314. aasta suvel piiras Robert Bruce Stirlingi lossi. Stirling oli viimane loss, mis jäi veel inglise kontrolli alla ja Edward II otsustas, et tuleb teha kõik, et Bruce vallutada. Seetõttu otsustas Edward lossi päästmiseks võtta suurima armee, mis kunagi Inglismaalt lahkunud.

Šotimaa armee oli mitte ainult üle, vaid tal puudus Edwardi vägede kogemus. Edwardil oli ka suur hulk soomusrüütleid ja pikavibureid, keskaegse sõjapidamise kaks kõige tõhusamat jõudu. Bruce'il seevastu oli kumbagi väga vähe ja ta pidi selle asemel tugevalt lootma odameestele.

Bruce ei üritanudki takistada Edwardi suurt armeed Šotimaale sisenemast. Ta otsustas, et tema parim lootus on sundida inglasi võitlema territooriumil, mis sobis kõige paremini tema piiratud ressurssidega. Bruce valis saidi Stirlingist vaid kaks ja pool miili lõuna pool, Bannockburni nimelise oja ääres. Šotlased asusid kõrgele ja kui inglased ründasid, pidid nad edasi liikuma kitsal rindel soode ja paksu metsa vahel.

Inglise eelvalvur saabus Bannockburni 23. juunil. Inglise partei juht Sir Henry Bohun tunnustas Robert Bruce'i. Pärast oma lantsi parandamist esitas Bohun Šoti kuningale süüdistuse. Bruce tormas lanti teelt välja ja tappis Bohuni kirvehoobiga.

Inglise peamine armee saabus 24. juunil. Gilbert, 10. krahv de Clare, kes oli endaga kaasa toonud 500 enda rüütlit, soovitas Edwardil lasta meestel päeva puhata. Edward ei nõustunud ja süüdistas Gilbertit šotlaste kartmises. Gilbert sai nendest kommentaaridest nõelata ja käskis oma meestel kohe rünnata. Gilbert juhtis garanteeritult süüdistust, kuid tema hobune lõigati maha ja maapinnal olles tapsid ta Šoti odaotsid.

Inglise rüütlite kogunemise ajal alustasid aga metsamaad varjanud Šoti odamehed rünnakut. Inglise rüütlid, kes polnud endiselt lahingukorras organiseeritud, olid sunnitud taanduma.

Inglise vibulaskjaid kutsuti ette, kuid enne kui nad jõudsid tõhusalt tegutseda, lasid Šoti rüütlid neid süüdistada. Pärast suure hulga tapmist olid ka vibulaskjad sunnitud taanduma.

Edward otsustas nüüd kasutada oma rüütleid, et laadida Šoti positsiooni mäe otsas. Kuna Inglise rüütlid olid sunnitud ründama kitsal rindel, suutsid Šoti odamehed nende edasipääsu blokeerida. Inglise vibulaskjad püüdsid aidata, kuid kuna mõlemad armeed olid kokku purustatud, tabasid nende nooled sama tõenäoliselt oma mehi kui šotlased.

Järsku hakkasid inglise sõdurid pöörama ja jooksma. Teised järgnesid ja peagi oli inglise armee taandumas. Šotlased läksid neile järele. Paljud Inglise rüütlid suutsid põgeneda, kuid hobusteta inimesed, nagu oda- ja vibulaskjad, kannatasid väga rängalt.

Bannockbumi lahing oli Inglise ajaloo halvim kaotus. Kui Inglise armeest järelejäänud üritas koju tagasi jõuda, suutsid šotlased võtta Stirlingi lossi.

Kuningas ja teised maa magnaadid koos suure hulga vankrite ja vagunitega asusid teele Šotimaale ... Ratsavägesid oli üle kahe tuhande, arvestamata arvukat jalaväehulka ... Tõepoolest, kõik kohalviibijad nõustusid, et mitte kunagi meie ajal on selline armee Inglismaalt välja läinud.

Nii arvult kui varustuselt ... meie väed on palju paremad kui need armetud šotlased. Sõjamootorites, katapultides, noolte ja kõigi selliste sõjamasinate puhul on meid küllaga, samas kui šotlastest on see kõik puudu.

Mulle on öeldud, et Inglise armee koosneb meestest, kes räägivad kuut erinevat keelt; sõdurid on üksteisele tundmatud ... See on sihvakas ülesanne, mille ma teile panen; et igaüks teist tapab kaks meest Edwardi armeest ... Siis olete tapnud nelikümmend viis tuhat.

Ta (Edward II) läks šotlaste vastu sõtta ... Inglise armees oli palju aadlikke ja rüütleid, kes olid kahe osapoole kaasamisel liiga silmapaistvad ja uhked, šotlased jäid kindlaks, kuid inglased põgenesid. Õel pool kaotas ja kaval võitis.

Meie vaenlasi liigutab ainult soov domineerida, kuid me võitleme oma elu, laste, oma naiste ja oma riigi vabaduse eest ... Oleksite võinud vaikselt orjadena elada, aga kuna te igatsesite olla vaba, olete minuga siin.


See oli üks kuulsamaid lahinguid, mida kunagi peetud, kuid keegi ei tea täpselt, kus see juhtus.

Taustaks oli Stirlingi loss, viimane Inglismaa kindlus Šotimaal, mille sihtmärgiks oli iseseisvussõdade ajal tagasitulekurajal Robert Bruce.

Stirlingi konstaabel nõustus lossi šotlastele üle andma, kui 24. juuniks 1314. aastal ei saabunud Inglise vägi teda vabastama.

Arvati, et Robert Bruce asus seisukohale, mida praegu nimetatakse "mälestiste mäeks", kus asub tema kuju.

See oli ideaalne asukoht, kõrgel ja hea vaateväljaga, kuid mäest üles võitlemiseks tõusmine oleks olnud Inglise vägedele tohutu väljakutse.

Tundub tõenäolisem, et peamine lahing peeti lähedal asuval tasasel ja madalal maa -alal, mida tuntakse Carse'i nime all, kus inglased olid ööseks laagrisse jäänud.


Lahinguaruanne: Bannockburn, taktika ja maastik

Šotimaa ja Inglismaa suhted alates 1280. aastatest olid pehmelt öeldes pingelised. Edward I oli teeninud nime "Šotlaste haamer" selle eest, et ta oli Šoti aadli vastu tõeliselt kena (nalja tegi, ta oli nende jaoks täiesti kohutav, põhjustades Šoti Vabadussõja) ja 14. sajandi alguseks oma muretu poja Edwardi II oli Inglismaa kuningas ja lootis tugineda oma isa "õnnestumistele".

Sõja eelmäng

1307. aastal hingas Šotimaa kergendatult, sest nende vana vaenlane Edward I oli surnud. Surnud düsenteeriasse teel põhja poole Šotimaale, jättis Edward Inglismaa oma vähevõimelise poja, mehe, kes polnud tuntud oma sõjalise jõu või poliitilise taiplikkuse, kätte.

Portree Westminsteri kloostris, arvatavasti Edwardi I allikas: Avalik omand

Hoolimata Edwardi lahinguväljaülematest näilistest võimetustest, jätkas ta veenvalt survet Šoti kuningale Robert I -le. Kuningas Robert teadis, et kohtumine Inglise armeega põllul lõpeb tõenäoliselt katastroofiga, sest kuigi paljud Šoti isandad olid hakanud Roberti asjade juurde kogunema, oli Inglismaa ikkagi kõige võimsam kuningriik, kus oli palju mehi ja ressursse. Edward viis 1309. ja 1310. aastal läbi mitu ebaõnnestunud kampaaniat Šotimaale, kus šotlased võtsid lehe Walesi mänguraamatust välja ja kasutasid Edwardi vägede ahistamiseks gerilja taktikat. Aastaks 1314 olid inglaste kontrolli all vaid kaks suurt linnust, Stirlingi loss ja Bothwelli kindlus, mis viis Roberti ja tema armeed Berwicki suurest kaubanduskeskusest vaid kiviviske kaugusele. Robert kasutas ära Inglise kuninga purunenud õukonda, mille põhjustas Edwardi suhe Piers Gavestoniga, ja hakkas ründama Inglismaa piiril asuvaid linnu, kindlustades oma positsiooni Šotimaa vaieldamatu valitsejana, ajendades Edwardit reageerima.

Robert I ("The Bruce"), autor Edward Harding, avaldas Isaac Herbert, pärast tundmatu kunstnike graveerimist, avaldatud 1797 ALLIKAS: National Portrait Gallery

Marss Berwicki ja Stirlingi lossi piiramine

1314. aasta kevadeks oli Robert I Lõuna -Šotimaa üle peaaegu täielik kontroll ja ta püüdis kaardilt eemaldada Inglismaa isandad, kes olid nõudnud maad madalikul. Robert lasi oma venna Edwardi (keda me edaspidi nimetame Edward Bruce'iks, et vältida segadust Inglismaa Edward II -ga) piirata Stirlingi lossi, sundides Stirlingi kuberneri Philip Mowbray rahu eest kohtusse kaevama. Nagu rüütellik kombeks oli, andis Edward Inglise garnisoni kuni 24. juunini, et enne kastide üleandmist leevendust saada, see võimaldas Edward II -l mobiliseerida umbes 20 000 -mehelise armee, et purustada tõusnud šotlased lõplikult.

Edward Bruce'i üllas otsus lubada Inglismaa garnisonil enne lossi loobumist aega sundida Šotimaa armeed linnuse ümber taganema, kuna neil ei olnud piisavalt numbreid, et Edward II ja tema inglaste hord tagasi lüüa. Robert I marssis Berwicki poole, kus ta teadis, et Edward peab tulema enne Stirlingi marssimist.

Bruce teadis, et tema pelgalt 7000 meest ei sobi Inglise armee täie jõuga, kui nad on ääreni täis relvastatud mehi ja rüütleid, kes moodustavad umbes 30% sõjaväest, tõeliselt professionaalsed jõud. Kuna professionaalne ja ohtlik Inglise armee kujutas endast suurt ohtu, teadis Robert, et peab Stirlingi lossist alistumiseks oma venna mõnda aega ostma. Keeldudes taas kohtumast massiivse armeega, viis Robert Stirlingi taganemisel läbi kõrbenud maa taktika, hävitades kõik, mis võiks aidata Edward II armeed varustada. Edwardi armee kannatas juba moraalsete probleemide tõttu, kuna Edwardi ja tema juhtivate aadlike vahel olid ebameeldivad suhted - mehed, kellele ta usaldas nii mehejõudu kui ka raha sellise jultunud kampaania rahastamiseks.

Bannockburni lahing: 1. päev

Kuningas Robert I oli suurepärane taktik, ta oli oma sõjalisi võimeid näidanud juba Loudoun Hilli lahingus (1307), kus ta pidi kõik tagasi lööma palju suurema inglise väe, mida juhtis Aymer de Valence, 2. krahv Pembroke. Nagu varem mainitud, oli Šoti armee arvukus ja paljudes aspektides ratsaväel põhinev Inglise vägi, mis sundis šotlasi mõtlema, kuidas ja mis kõige tähtsam, kus paratamatu lahing toimub.

23. juuni hommikuks oli Robert jõudnud Bannocki küla lähedale, väike alevik Bannock Burni oja serval, ümbritsetud metsade ja mägedega. küla oli Stirlingist vaid mõne miili kaugusel ja seal asus Šoti armee viimaseks. Robert paigutas oma mehed tagantpoolt metsaserva, et kaitsta oma külgi ratsaväe eest ja käskis oma meestel kaevata lõksudega täidetud kaevikud, et segada ja täita eeldatav ratsavägi. Šoti armee korraldati neljaks peamiseks lahinguks (sõna "lahing" tähendas algselt formeerimist) tihedalt pakitud Schiltronitest, mis on Šoti vaste falanksile, tuhanded haugid, kes lähevad vastasele vastu.

Kaasaegne pilt Bannock Burn ojast, mis kulgeb läbi metsaaluste põldude, kus Robert I ootas ingliskeelset SOURCE Google'i kaarti, getmapping plc (2020)

Nagu arvata võis, lähenes Inglise armee igas pompis ja rüütellikus kulutajas eesotsas oma hirmsa raskeratsaväega. Nähes suurt väge, käskis Robert oma meestel metsa taanduda, enne kui andis neile käsu pöörduda ja astuda vastamisi vastase ratsaväega, kes oli nüüdseks Šotimaa liinidele suundunud. Herefordi krahvi juhtimisel purustas ratsavägi pea katastroofiliste tagajärgedega esmalt Šoti ridadesse. Šoti vägede seatud lõksud olid edukalt inglased ootel ootavate odade kohale vedanud, kusjuures haugide seinale sattunud mehi ja hobust ei olnud võimalik nende lõksude ja kaevikute tõttu leevendada. Gloucesteri krahv Gilbert de Claire saadeti ümber ääre, et proovida Schiltronid küljele lüüa, kuid Edward Bruce suutis oma mehed oma vendade vasakul küljel oma kohale viia, kattes krahvi rünnaku, sundides inglasi taganeda oma algsetele positsioonidele Burnis.

Inglise armee ei võtnud esimesel päeval palju kaotusi, kuid ratsaväe edusammude puudumise tõttu toimis Edwardile ja Inglise vägedele tõsine moraalne löök. Edward ja tema paistes armee asusid laagrit püsti panema Bannocki ümbruses, olles valmis järgmisel päeval võitlema šotlaste poole.

Bannockburni lahingu tõlgendus esimesest päevast ALLIKAS: Public domain


Bannockburni lahing: 2. päev

Järgmisel varahommikul, vastuolus igasuguse sõjalise loogikaga, käskis Robert oma šiltronitel inglaste poole liikuda, ärgates endiselt nende rahutust ööd. Sõna otseses mõttes inglasi uinakut tabav Robert suutis end positsioneerida inglaste ette, kes sobisid peagi tema moodustisega.

Kuna Bannock Burnist oli kiiresti kogunenud mehi ja hobuseid, otsustasid Edward ja tema nõustajad kasutada raske ratsaväge, et taas Šotimaa joonest läbi murda, võttes päeva võimalikult rüütellikult. Kui Šoti liinid aeglaselt lähenesid, ületades põlde oma vana positsiooni vahel metsas selle poole, kuhu enamik inglasi oli laagrisse jõudnud, ei suutnud keegi inglise laagris otsustada, kes peaks juhtima sellist üllast ja auväärset süüdistust, kuid lõpuks Gloucester võttis endale ülesandeks juhtida oma kontingent otse Šoti odameeste paremasse serva. Gloucester ja tema rüütlid purustasid otse šiltronitesse, hävitades praktiliselt krahvi ja tema mehed, kuna massilised odad peksid peaaegu alati massilist ratsaväge.

Ülejäänud Inglise armee organiseeriti endiselt korralikuks formeerimiseks, kui Šoti vibulaskjad tulistasid inglise ja kõmri pikavibureid, hoides neid kinni ja ei suutnud tulistada Šoti jalaväe suunas, mis lükkas nüüd tagasi Inglise ratsaväge ja jalaväelasi. oli Gloucesterile järgnenud. Šoti eeliseid kasutas kuningas Robert suurepäraselt ning ta suutis nende vastu suurepärast ajastust ja inglise ülbust kasutada, kuid päev polnud veel lõppenud. Üha rohkem inglise rüütleid ja relvastatud mehi ühinesid lähivõitlusega, kus kaks armeed lõid seda tundide kaupa üksteise vastu, kuni mõlemad pooled olid täielikult ammendunud. Lahingu kriitilisel hetkel tõstis Robert üles oma metsas laagris olnud Schiltronid, kasutades neid selleks, et toetada vaimselt ja füüsiliselt ammendunud armeed, mis tundide jooksul oli võimsaid inglasi üha kaugemale tõrjunud. Selleks ajaks oli tulemus peaaegu kinnitatud ja inglaste eesmärk number üks oli saada kuningas turvaliseks. Edward II tõusis lendu koos mitusada rüütlit, jättes ülejäänud oma armee eetrile põgenema või surema lahinguväljal šotlaste juurde.

Kokku kaotasid šotlased eelmisel päeval alguse saanud 500 000 kuni 1000 inimest, kuid inglased kaotasid üle 5000 mehe, kusjuures paljud tähtsad rüütlid ja aadlikud langesid hukule määratud ratsaväe rünnakutes, piirates kampaania täielikku katastroofi. Šotimaa. Edward jooksis saba jalgade vahel kiiresti tagasi Londonisse, võimaldades šotlastel kontrollimatult jätkata Põhja -Inglismaa ahistamist. Bannockburni lahing läheb ajalukku kui üks Inglismaa suurimaid kaotusi, aga ka üks Šotimaa suurimaid võite, mis domineerib Edward II, nõrga kuninga lugu, kes oli rohkem huvitatud kohtu liikmete tagaajamisest kui tegelemisest tema probleemidega. Bannockburn oleks pöördeline hetk Inglismaa ja Šotimaa suhetes, viies praktiliselt lõpule Šotimaa iseseisvuse, edendades kahe kuningriigi niigi pingelisi suhteid.

Lõpuks allkirjastati 1328. aastal rahuleping, millega lõppes esimene Šoti vabadussõda-sõda, mis oli möllanud alates 1296. aastast, kuid see ei tähenda Anglo-Šoti konfliktide lõppu. Suhe püsiks parimal juhul järgmise kolme sajandi jooksul kipitavana, jõudes lõpuks selleni, kui Šotimaa James VI sai 1603. aastal nii Inglismaa kui ka Šotimaa kuningaks.

Loodan, et teile meeldis see ja teile meeldiks kuulda teie arvamust. Palun jätke mulle kommentaar ja jälgige mind Instagramis @chrisriley_, et saada rohkem keskaegset ajalugu!


Bannockburni lahing selgitas

Kadunud dr Alasdair Ross selgitab Bannockburni lahingu tausta ja võidu tähtsust.

Bannockburni lahing, mis peeti kaks päeva 1314. aasta juunis, on šotlaste jaoks endiselt oluline 700 aastat hiljem ja seda mitmel põhjusel:

& pull Lahing paistab Šotimaa 1707. aasta eelses ajaloos silma ühena vähestest juhtumitest, kui šotlased võitsid otsustava võidu palju suurema pealetungiva armee üle, ja ainus, kui nad seda tegid avamaal.

& härra Bannockburn oli ka alles teine ​​kord Euroopa ajaloos, kui armee, mis koosnes peamiselt jalaväest, võitis võõrustatud võõrustaja üle, see oli võit koefitsientide vastu, mis andis Šotimaale väärtusliku hingamisruumi ja uue dünastia.

Soovimatu konflikt

Lahing oli tegelikult seni soovimatu, šotlased olid vältinud avamaal kohtumist palju suuremate ja paremini varustatud Inglise armeedega ning tuginesid edu saavutamiseks gerilja taktikale. Kuid me ei tohi kunagi unustada, et kuna ta teadis, et inglise armee püüab 1314. aastal Stirlingi lossi leevendada, oli Bruce'il kaua aega lahinguvälja pinnase ettevalmistamiseks.

Võit kinnitas Robert I valitsemist Šotimaal (kui mitte Londonis või Roomas) ja pani aluse Iirimaa sissetungile, Walesis toimunud mässule ning Bruce'i ja Stewarti dünastiatele. Kuigi mõned šotlased deserteerusid Inglise poolele enne esimest päeva ja rsquose lahingut, pidi kaasaegsete jaoks Bruce'i võit tähendama seda, et Jumal oli tema poolel. Ta ei olnud enam usurpaator.


Oluline on see, et Bannockburni lahing püsiks šotlaste meelest sajanditel, mis järgnesid eeskujuks sellele, mida saaks teha, kui inimesed seisaksid koos tõestuseks, et kõrgemad armeed ei ole võitmatud, et leidlikkus ja visadus võivad muuta näiliselt lootusetu olukorra võidule. Nendel põhjustel mälestatakse seda endiselt igal aastal ja see on saanud osaks Šoti rahvuslikust identiteedist, mis on meie riigi ajaloo oluline hetk.

Ebakindlus jääb

Kõike seda arvestades tundub üsna tähelepanuväärne, et isegi täna pole me veel päris kindlad, kus kõik lahinguelemendid võideldi.

Teatud topograafilised märgid, nagu loss ja Uus park, on teada, kuid ülejäänud on kommenteerijate vahel lahingus. Lahinguväljal ja sõjas hukkunud mälestusüritused on suhteliselt hiljutised arengud (vähemalt ajaloolises mõttes) ja on üsna tähelepanuväärne, et selleks ajaks, kui peapiiskop Barbour 1370. aastatel The Brusit kirjutas, tundis ta end piisavalt enesekindlalt, et leiutada Šotimaa armeele terve lisadiviis, eesotsas oma patrooni isa, kuningas Robert II -ga.

Kas see näitab, et alles kuuskümmend aastat pärast suurt võitu oli enamik inimesi kahe päeva jooksul juba unustanud lahingukorra olulised punktid?


Miks peaksime siis imestama, et ka kõikide lahinguelementide täpsed asukohad on kadunud?

Vaatamata nendele väikestele raskustele on Bannockburni lahing endiselt uhke ja lootustandev neile, kes on huvitatud meie rahva ja rsquose ajaloost ja tulevikust.

Laadige alla Šotimaa ajaloo digitaalne eripakkumine Robert Bruce ja Bannockburni lahing siin vaid & nael2,99.


Edward II

Inglise kuningas oli seevastu sõjas nõrk, ebapopulaarne ja kogenematu.

Vägeva Edward I poeg Edward II oli üles kasvanud oma isa varjus. Tal puudus tahtejõud oma aadlike järjekorras hoidmiseks, hoolimata šotlastega tegelemisest. Konflikt tema ja Lancasteri hertsogi vahel oli toonud kaasa ühe Edwardi lemmiku surma ja Lancasteri valitsuse lühikese domineerimise. Nende tülid olid loonud nõrga valitsuse, milles vähesed mehed austasid oma kuningat. Armeel oli juhtimisest nii puudus, et Herefordi ja Gloucesteri krahvid läksid tuliseks vaidluseks selle üle, kes peaks juhtima esirinda, mistõttu Gloucester alustas šotlaste vastu enesetapurünnakut ebaõnnestunud katsega oma autoriteeti kinnitada.

Edward II poliitilise mõju puudumine vastas sõjaväeliste oskuste puudumisele. Ta oli üles kasvanud feodaalsete monarhide sõjalise traditsiooni järgi, kuid ei olnud sõdima läinud nagu tema isa. Tema enesekindluse puudumine oli peatanud inglased Bruce'i manöövritele vastu astumast mitmeks aastaks ja see kampaania puudumine tähendas, et Edward ei suutnud oma vastase kogemustele vastata.

Lühidalt öeldes oli Edward II üks halvimaid kindraleid, kes kunagi juhtinud Inglise armeed.


Bruce ründab

24. päeva koidikul, kui Edwardi armee oli kolmest küljest ümbritsetud Bannock Burniga, pöördus Bruce pealetungi poole. Edenedes neljas diviisis, mida juhtisid Edward Bruce, Moray krahv James Douglas ja kuningas, liikus Šoti armee inglaste poole. Lähemale jõudes tegid nad pausi pausi ja põlvitasid. Seda nähes hüüatas Edward väidetavalt: "Ha! Nad põlvitavad halastuse pärast!" Millele abivahend vastas: "Jah, isa, nad põlvitavad halastuse pärast, kuid mitte teie käest. Need mehed vallutavad või surevad."

Kui šotlased oma edasiminekut alustasid, tormasid inglased end üles vormistama, mis osutus keeruliseks vetevahelises ruumis. Peaaegu kohe asus Gloucesteri krahv oma meestega edasi. Kokkupõrkel Edward Bruce'i diviisi odaga sai Gloucester surma ja tema süüdistus murti. Seejärel jõudis Šoti armee inglasteni, kaasates nad kogu rinde ulatuses.

Šotlaste ja vete vahele lõksu jäänud ja surutud inglased ei suutnud oma lahingumoodustisi omaks võtta ja peagi muutus nende armee organiseerimata massiks. Edasi rühkides hakkasid šotlased peagi võitu saama, inglased surid ja haavati tallati. Koju sõitmine nende rünnakule hüüetega "Vajuta edasi! Vajuta!" šotlaste rünnak sundis paljusid inglise tagalas põgenema tagasi üle Bannock Burni. Lõpuks said inglased Šotimaa vasakpoolsete ründamiseks oma vibulaskjaid kasutada.

Nähes seda uut ohtu, andis Bruce käsu sir Robert Keithile neid oma kerge ratsaväega rünnata. Edasi sõites lõid Keithi mehed vibulaskjaid, ajades nad põllult minema. Kui ingliskeelsed read hakkasid kõikuma, tõusis üleskutse "Nende peal, nende peal! Nad ebaõnnestuvad!" Uuendatud jõuga kuhjudes surusid šotlased rünnaku koju. Neid aitas reservi hoitud "väikese rahva" (nende, kellel puudus väljaõpe või relvad) saabumine. Nende saabumine koos põllult põgenenud Edwardiga viis Inglise armee kokkuvarisemiseni ja järgnes rünnak.


Bannockburni lahing: Robert Bruce ja#8217 võitlevad vabaduse eest

Bannockburni lahing (23. – 24. Juuni 1314) peeti Šotimaa keskosas Stirlingi lossist kagus. See oli jõhkra kodusõja haripunkt, pannes šotlased Robert Bruce'i juhtimisel inglaste vastu Edward II juhtimisel. Siin selgitab Fiona Watson lahinguga seotud asjaolusid ja paljastab, kuidas konflikt hiljem uuesti sõnastati kui eepiline vabanemisvõitlus.

See konkurss on nüüd suletud

Avaldatud: 23. juunil 2020 kell 10.50

Šotimaal on kesksuvel vaid umbes neli tundi korralikku pimedust. Inglise armee jaoks, kes ületas Stirlingi linna all olevat soist maad, oli see just piisav aeg hobuste ja meeste toitmiseks ja jootmiseks, varustuse puhastamiseks ja imestamiseks, mis ootab neid ees, kui päike tõuseb. Moraal oli madal. Jalaväelased olid kurnatud, olles sunnitud marssima 30 miili kaugusel asuvast Edinburghist nii kiiresti kui võimalik, et täita Stirlingi lossi leevendamiseks kokku lepitud jaanipäeva tähtaeg. Ja nad ei suutnud oma Šoti vaenlasi parimal viisil saavutada eelmisel päeval, 23. juunil 1314, mitmete kohtumistega, sealhulgas Sir Henry de Bohuni kurikuulsa katsega tappa Šoti kuningas üksikvõitluses, kuid nad said maha ühe võimsa löögi. Robert Bruce'i lahingukirves.

Sellest hoolimata oli Edward II valmis. Mida ta ei oodanud, oli šotlaste võitlus, sest neil oli kombeks Inglise armeega silmitsi seistes mägedesse kaduda. Kuid nüüd, kui koidik taevasse tõusis, nägi Edward, kuidas šotlased edenesid kolmes odameeste brigaadis, enne kui põlvitasid tema ees. Inglise kuningas oli ülemeelik, uskudes, et see oli alistumise alistus - kuni talle märgiti, et kuigi šotlased armu otsisid, oli see pigem Jumalalt kui inglastelt.

Kui Šoti kuningas oleks otsustanud võidelda, nagu oleks juhtunud, oleks see kahe kuningriigi vaheline seitsmes kihlus 18 aasta jooksul pärast seda, kui Edwardi isa Edward I oli 1296. aastal (ajutiselt) põhjanaabri vallutanud.

Šotimaa ja Inglismaa suhete šokeerivalt dramaatilise muutuse eellugu oli Šoti kuninga Aleksander III surm kümme aastat varem ilma ellujäänud meessoost pärijateta. See ajendas Edward I-Aleksandri endine õemees-asuma sekkuma Põhja kuningriigi asjadesse.

Edward nõudis kohut juhtima 14 kandidaadi väidet kuningaks, kuigi valik oli tõesti John Ballioli, Šotimaa Galloway isanda ja Barnardi lossi (praeguse Durhami krahvkonna) ja Robert Bruce'i vahel Annandale'i vahel. Šotimaa (Bannockburni võitja vanaisa). Balliol võitis - otsuse, mida enamik šotlasi pidas õigeks - ja krooniti 1292. aastal kuningas Johanneseks. Kuid Bruces ei loobunud kunagi oma kuninglikest ambitsioonidest.

Sõja äärel

Edward kulutas vahepeal aega. Pärast seda, kui ta oli sundinud kõiki kuningas Aleksandri vabale troonile kandideerijaid tunnistama oma nõudeid Šotimaa ülevalitsemisele - väited, mis põhinevad varasematel, kuid ebaselgetel pretsedentidel ja mida varasemad Šotimaa kuningad on kategooriliselt eitanud -, esitas ta kuningas Johnile üha suuremad nõudmised. Nende hulka kuulus ootus, et viimane saadab mehed Edwardiga sõdima Prantsusmaa vastu, kellega Inglismaa oli sõja lävel. Šotlased, keda juhtisid oma kuninga sugulased, võimas Comyni perekond, mõistsid, et nad on kaotamas oma iseseisvust, ja pidasid Prantsusmaaga läbirääkimisi vastastikuse kaitse lepingu üle.

Seda kahtlustades tungis Edward I 1296. aastal Šotimaale, alistades Dunbari juures Šoti armee, vallandades ja vangistades Ballioli ning luues oma valitsuse. Järgmisel aastal alustasid šotlased sõda, määrates William Wallace'i esimeseks eestkostjate seeriast, kes valitses kuningriiki kuningas Johni äraolekul. Tulevane kuningas Robert Bruce veetis mitu aastat inglastega sõdides, tegutsedes isegi lühidalt oma perekonna konkurendi monarhina Ballioli eestkostjana, arvatavasti selleks, et tõsta oma volitusi šotlaste juhtimiseks.

Aastal 1302 allus Bruce aga Inglise kuningale, kuna tema teised suured konkurendid, Comynid, olid eestkostjaks tõrjutud, ning oli osutunud võimetuks neelama väljavaadet kuningas Johannese tagasipöördumisest Prantsuse toel pärast viimase vabanemist Inglise vanglast. . Prantsuse kuningas Philippe IV vajas aga peagi Edward I sõprust tema enda põhjustel ja lootused kuningas Johannese tagasitulekule kustusid. Aastal 1304 allus enamik šotlasi eesotsas praeguse eestkostja John Comyniga Badenochist Edward I -le.

Peamised tegelased Bannockburni showdownis

Kuningas Robert I sündis 1274. aastal. Ta vallutas 1306. aastal Šotimaa trooni ja valitses 23 aastat kuni surmani 7. juunil 1329. Tema esimene abielu sõlmiti Marli krahvi tütre Isobeliga, kellelt tal sündis tütar Marjorie. Tema pojast Robertist sai esimene Stewarti kuningast, kes valitses 1371. aastast kuni 1714. aastani Šotimaad, seejärel Inglismaad.

Edward Bruce, Carricki krahv, oli Bruce'i noorem vend. Ta leppis mais 1314 sir Philip Moubrayga kokku, et Stirlingi loss antakse šotlastele üle, kui Inglise armee seda ei vabasta, otsustades tegelikult lahingukoha. Ta juhtis 23. -24. Juunil ühte Bruce'i diviisi.

Sir John Comyn Badenochist oli Šoti kuninga John Ballioli vennapoeg ja seetõttu vaba trooni pretendent. Bruce mõrvas ta 1306. aastal, põhjustades verise kodusõja, mille Bannockburn suuresti lõpetas. Tema poeg, teine ​​Johannes, hukkus lahingus.

Edward II oli Edward I ainus ellujäänud poeg, kes sai oma isa järglaseks 1307. aastal. Pankrotistunud riigikassa pärimise ja kalduvuse eesotsas lemmikutega viis Inglismaa mitmel korral kodusõja lähedale. Kuigi ta polnud argpüks, polnud Bannockburnis strateegiat ja jagas oma ülemad omavahel.

Sir Philip Moubray oli šotlane, kes asus Bruce'i vastu John Comyni mõrva tõttu. Pärast Bannockburni sulges ta kuningas Edwardi vastu Stirlingi lossi väravad ja ühines Bruce'iga. Ta läks koos Edward Bruce'iga aastatel 1315–18 Iirimaale kampaaniasse ja suri koos temaga seal.

Sir Robert Clifford oli Šotimaa sõdade veteran, võidelnud peaaegu 20 aastat enamikus kampaaniates. 23. juunil võttis ta rüütlite kontingendi šotlaste ja Stirlingi lossi vahele, kuid kuningas Roberti vennapoeg Sir Thomas Randolph lõi ta tagasi. Clifford tapeti koos Gloucesteri krahviga 24. juunil toimunud esimesel lahingulainel.

Aastaks 1306 oli Edward I teadaolevalt väga haige, nii et Robert Bruce hakkas toetama oma vanaisa troonitaotluse taasaktiveerimiseks. See aga eiras täielikult asjaolu, et John Balliol oli kuningas. Kui Johnil ja tema pojal ei õnnestunud Šotimaale naasta (Edward Balliol oli endiselt inglise vahi all), siis oli järjekorras Šoti kuninga vennapoeg John Comyn Badenochist. Ta oli ka proovile pandud sõjajuht, enamiku ajavahemiku 1298–1304 eestkostja ja suurepärase perekonnapea, kellel oli maid ja järgijaid kogu kuningriigis.

Võib-olla oli kahjutu põhjus-võib-olla seotud maavaidlusega-miks Robert Bruce ja John Comyn kohtusid 10. veebruaril 1306. aastal Šotimaa edelaosas Dumfriesi linnas Greyfriarsi kirikus. Kuid ilmselt suundusid nad peagi põletava teema juurde. võib võtta Šotimaa tühja trooni sõjapüüdluste noorendamiseks, kui Edward oli surnud, sest kohtumine lõppes sellega, et Bruce mõrvas Comyni. Kuus nädalat hiljem avati Bruce ise kuningaks - tegu, mis lõhestas Šotimaa kaheks ja vallandas Edward I viha.

Tulus rüüsteretk

Kuigi Bannockburnit on alati kujutatud Inglismaa ja Šotimaa vahel, põhjustas selle tõelise võitluse just kodusõda. Oktoobris 1313, olles veetnud eelmised kuus aastat oma rahva kuningriigi vallutamisel sama palju kui inglastelt, tundis kuningas Robert end piisavalt enesekindlalt, et esitada kõigile Šotimaal maad omavatele isikutele ultimaatum, et nad peaksid talle austusavalduse ja austusavalduse vanduma. aastal. Ja kuigi lossirida, idapiiril Berwickist kuni riigi keskel asuva Stirlingini, oli endiselt tema vastu, võisid Bruce ja tema mehed soovi korral nende alt läbi sõita, tehes väga tulutoova ja hävitava rünnaku. Põhja -Inglismaal.

Isegi saamatu Edward II, kes päris 1307. aastal oma isa pankrotistrooni, mõistis, et see ultimaatum sunnib paljusid šotlasi, kes on endiselt valmis Bruce'i vastu võitlema, vahetama pooli, kui ta ei aita neid. In November 1313, therefore, he ordered an army to muster the following June. Then, in May 1314, it was agreed between the Scots and Stirling’s commander, Sir Philip Moubray, that the castle would be handed over to Bruce unless relieved by 24 June. With that agreement, King Robert had effectively decided where Edward II’s army would march and where, therefore, any battle might be fought.

This time Bruce faced the tantalising prospect that, if he fought and won, he might effectively end the war in Scotland. But if he did not, his ultimatum might well be ignored.

The stakes were high. Should Bruce lose, the military reputation that sustained his kingship, given his dubious accession, would crumble. He needed to fight somewhere that cavalry were at a disadvantage. Even Edward II knew that the ground around Stirling was such a place.

And so Bruce worked with his men to transform the Scottish schiltrom – groups of around a thousand men carrying long spears bristling like a hedgehog – from the stationary unit employed previously. Instead of merely repelling Edward’s cavalry, they would move together on the offensive, allowing the Scots to control the design and tempo of the battle.

Edward arrived the day before the deadline with an army of around 7,000 infantry and 2,000 cavalry. Bruce’s army was probably 5,000–6,000-strong, which meant that the opposing sides at Bannockburn were far more evenly matched than the hyperbole of Scottish chroniclers has since suggested.

The Scots were drawn up in the hunting forest south-east of Stirling, blocking Edward’s route to the castle. When the English failed to make any headway on the first day, they crossed the Bannockburn to the north, seeking the protection of the floodplain of the river Forth before taking the field in the early hours of 24 June. Few got more than a wink of sleep during that brief midsummer night.

Meanwhile, morale was already high among the Scots when Sir Alexander Seton arrived in the Scottish camp and was brought before King Robert. Seton was a Scot, one of many who had found Bruce’s murder of Comyn and seizure of the throne abhorrent. Yet he now considered the squabbling and lack of leadership among the English commanders even more problematic and decided to defect. Bruce asked his nobles if they should fight. The response was unanimous: “As you devise, all shall be done.”

How the battle played out

From opening exchanges to bloody rout, a quick guide to the clash at Bannockburn

Bannockburn was fought to the south-east of Stirling Castle in central Scotland. The English army numbered roughly 2,000 cavalry and 7,000 infantry commanded by King Edward II. The Scottish army comprised around 5,000–6,000 spearmen with a few hundred cavalry led by King Robert I of Scotland.

The English arrived on 23 June to find their way to Stirling Castle, which they were intent on relieving, blocked by the Scots. A series of skirmishes won by the Scots left Edward’s men demoralised, and they camped overnight down on the floodplain of the river Forth.

Early in the morning of 24 June, fully expecting Bruce to retreat as usual, the English were astonished to see the Scots advancing towards them. The English vanguard charged but were overwhelmed and many knights killed. The ground, near or on the floodplain of the river Forth, was difficult for cavalry to negotiate, but it was King Robert’s decision to train his spearmen to march offensively that won the day, along with the lack of leadership in the English army. Thousands of footsoldiers were killed in the bloody aftermath when the Scots were intent on seizing booty and taking noble prisoners.

The next morning, Bruce addressed his men again in terms that went on to immortalise the ensuing battle. “You could have lived in serfdom, but because you yearned to have freedom, you are gathered here with me.” The Scots then advanced to meet an English charge led by the Earl of Gloucester, who was still reeling from accusations of cowardice that greeted his sensible suggestion that the English should wait for the footsoldiers to recover before engaging. Bruce had ordered his men not to take either prisoners or booty until the battle was won, and so Gloucester and other high-ranking nobles, including the murdered John Comyn’s son and the veteran soldier Sir Robert Clifford, were killed.

As the front line of the English cavalry disintegrated, the English infantry behind began to run away, while the English bowmen were kept at bay by the Scottish cavalry. Then, as more Scots appeared, the English king was forced to flee too, leaving the rest of his army to escape, be captured or killed. Many died in the ‘great ditch’ of the Bannockburn, which stood between them and the road home, those that came behind running ‘dry-shod’ across their compatriots’ bodies.

Edward II had taken the field and God had found him wanting, while King Robert had been granted victory despite having murdered Comyn on the high altar of a church. As a result, the legitimate grievances of those Scots who fought against Bruce have long been consigned to history’s landfill.

Eternally glorified

It is difficult to pinpoint the long-term benefits that Bannockburn brought to Bruce. What’s more, the assumption that there was a direct connection between the battle and a 1328 peace treaty concluded in the aftermath of Edward II’s deposition is misplaced. But, in articulating a rhetoric of freedom, the Scottish king won an even greater battle, one that has eternally glorified the name of Bruce and Bannockburn by transforming what was predominantly a brutal civil war into an epic national struggle.

Most crucial to that image is John Barbour’s highly influential poem, The Bruce, written in the 1370s, where the future of Scotland itself was explicitly deemed to hinge on Bannockburn’s outcome. Barbour portrays the Scottish nobles’ determination to pay the ultimate price, if necessary, to liberate Scotland after their king reminded them of English tyranny and injustice.

Here we supposedly have the crux of the matter, explaining why they resolved to fight and why they won. Many Scots today also know the stirring lines of the Declaration of Arbroath, a letter sent to the pope in 1320, arguing why Scotland should be independent of England and why Bruce should be its king: “It is not for glory, riches or honour that we fight, but for freedom alone, which no good man loses but with his life.” Stirring words indeed, but ones that would have stuck in the throats of the family of the murdered Comyn.

But facts are facts and Bruce did bring independence to his kingdom against remarkable odds. As late as the 16th century, the Scots exulted in being “18 hundred years unconquered,” which was more than could be said for England. But this was despite the scarcity of victories against the Auld Enemy after Bannockburn. Otterburn in 1388 and Ancrum Moor in 1545 are the exceptions in a catalogue of defeats, some of them catastrophic – Dupplin Moor, Halidon Hill, Neville’s Cross, Homildon Hill, Flodden, Solway Moss and Pinkie.

Bannockburn cast a long shadow over Scottish military strategy, with commanders continuing to rely on spearmen long after weaponry, particularly hand-held firearms, had evolved to render them obsolete.

The Scots remember Bannockburn, then, as an exceptional victory. But that is not why it has proved such a powerful force in Scottish identity. It is the rhetoric of freedom that has chimed throughout the centuries, particularly once the parliaments of England and Scotland were dismantled in 1707 and recreated as the United Kingdom. Now a modified version of that was needed, and the view was taken that Wallace and Bruce saved Scotland from Edward I’s clutches so that it could join the union as an equal partner.

But for others, as the benefits of empire receded and Scotland’s great manufacturing base began to suffer in the 20th century, issues of freedom became bound up with questions over the political status quo. Every year a rally takes place to Bannockburn, and while the Scottish National Party no longer officially attends, their song is still Robert Burns’s Scots Wha’ Hae, inspired by Bruce’s “glorious struggle for freedom”.

The Scots are not alone in subverting the realities of the past to create a powerful and enduring myth – every nation has them. But the right of a nation to determine its own destiny is a concept that appeals across time and geography, and Scotland was one of the first to articulate such a right in medieval Europe. Bannockburn is responsible for that.

Dr Fiona Watson is a research fellow at the University of Dundee


Battle of Bannockburn - History

The Battle of Bannockburn - Background

n 1313 Stirling Castle was being held by the English under the command of Sir Philip Mowbray. A Scottish army under the control of Edward Bruce, the brother of Robert Bruce King of Scotland, laid siege to the castle. On midsummer's day of 1313 Edward Bruce and Mowbray came to an agreement. It was agreed that if an English army had not come within three leagues of the castle by midsummer's day of 1314 Mowbray would surrender the castle to the Scots. Edward Bruce allowed Mowbray to leave the castle so that he could inform Edward II, King of England, of the terms of the agreement in person.

At the end of 1314 or the start of 1314 Edward II sent orders to his nobles to provide an army in invade Scotland and to be in Berwick, on the English Scottish border by the middle of June. At Berwick Edward was joined by several nobels and earls. These included the earls of Gloucester, Hereford and Pembroke

The English army left Berwick on the 17th of June, 1314 and by the 21st had reached Edinburgh. Supplies were taken from their ships there1. Time was running short and so on the 22nd of June the army marched towards Falkirk and reached it by the evening. The English army left Falkirk on the morning of the 23rd and marched up the Roman road towards Stirling.

Route taken by Edward II from Berwick to Falkirk

Ahead of the English was the Torwoord, an ancient forest, and beyond that the Bannock Burn and its tributary the Pelstream, streams that feed into the River Forth. Beyond the Bannock Burn to the west of the road was another forest called New Park which was on high ground. Alexander III had this forest fenced in 1264 to be used for hunting. This forest is separate from the older King's forest to the north near the Castle. To the east of the road was an area called the Carse. The Carse was an area of marshy land with many small streams. This area was to have an important affect on the outcome of the battle.


Battle of Bannockburn

Battle of Bannockburn a battle which took place near Stirling in central Scotland in 1314, in which the English army of Edward II, advancing to break the siege of Stirling Castle, was defeated by the Scots under Robert the Bruce, who subsequently re-established Scotland as a separate kingdom.

Tsiteeri seda artiklit
Valige allpool stiil ja kopeerige oma bibliograafia tekst.

ELIZABETH KNOWLES "Battle of Bannockburn ." The Oxford Dictionary of Phrase and Fable. . Entsüklopeedia.com. 18. juuni 2021 & lt https://www.encyclopedia.com & gt.

ELIZABETH KNOWLES "Battle of Bannockburn ." The Oxford Dictionary of Phrase and Fable. . Retrieved June 18, 2021 from Encyclopedia.com: https://www.encyclopedia.com/humanities/dictionaries-thesauruses-pictures-and-press-releases/battle-bannockburn

Tsiteerimisstiilid

Entsüklopeedia.com annab teile võimaluse viidata viitekirjetele ja artiklitele vastavalt kaasaegse keele assotsiatsiooni (MLA), Chicago stiilijuhendi ja Ameerika psühholoogilise assotsiatsiooni (APA) levinud stiilidele.

Valige tööriistast „Tsiteeri seda artiklit” stiil, et näha, kuidas kogu olemasolev teave selle stiili järgi vormindamisel välja näeb. Seejärel kopeerige ja kleepige tekst oma bibliograafiasse või viidatud teoste loendisse.


Battle of Bannockburn

Dates of the Battle of Bannockburn: 23rd and 24th June 1314.

Place of the Battle of Bannockburn: In Central Scotland, to the South of Stirling.

The Royal Arms of England at
the time of Edward II: Battle of Bannockburn 23rd June 1314: picture
by Mark Dennis,
Ormond Pursuivant

Sõda: The Scottish War of Independence against the English Crown of Edward I and Edward II.

Contestants at the Battle of Bannockburn: A Scots army against an army of English, Scots and Welsh.

Commanders at the Battle of Bannockburn: Robert the Bruce, King of the Scots, against Edward II, King of England.

Size of the Armies at the Battle of Bannockburn: There is great controversy over every aspect of the Battle of Bannockburn due to the lack of contemporary accounts. The eminent Scottish historian William Mackenzie came to the conclusion that the English army comprised around 3,000 mounted men, knights and men-at-arms, and around 13,000 foot soldiers, including a detachment of Welsh archers. William Mackenzie put the Scots at around 7,000 men. Robert de Bruce’s army comprised foot soldiers with a force of around 600 light horsemen commanded by Sir Robert Keith, the Marischal.

Winner of the Battle of Bannockburn: The Scots trounced the English in the 2 day battle.

Uniforms and equipment at the Battle of Bannockburn:

In order to re-conquer Scotland from Robert the Bruce King Edward II of England summoned his feudal army. The most important element in the feudal array was the mounted knighthood of Angevin England. A fully equipped knight wore chain mail, re-enforced by plate armour, and a steel helmet. He carried a shield, long lance, sword and, according to taste, axe or bludgeon and dagger. He rode a destrier or heavy horse strong enough to carry a fully equipped rider at speed. The heraldic devices of the knight were emblazoned on his shield and surcoat, a long cloth garment worn over the armour, and his horse’s trappings. An emblem might be worn on the helmet and a pennon at the point of the lance. Other knights on the field, including enemies, would be able to identify a knight from the heraldic devices he wore. Socially inferior soldiers such as men-at-arms would wear less armour and carry a shield, short lance, sword, axe, bludgeon and dagger. They rode lighter horses.

Knights of the period of the Battle of Bannockburn 23rd and 24th June 1314: picture by Edward Burne-Jones

Within each army units comprised men raised from particular areas or a nobleman’s household knights and men-at-arms. In the English army the King’s household provided a sizeable and homogenous fighting force.

The foot soldiers on each side fought with whatever weapons they had, which might be bows, spears, swords, daggers, bill hooks, bludgeons or any other implement capable of inflicting injury. They wore metal helmets and quilted garments if they could get them. Traditional feudal armies of the time considered battle to be an exercise between mounted knights. No account was taken of those further down the social scale and little sensible use made of them. For the English the battle was to be decided by the attack of their cavalry. The dismounted soldiers were present for other purposes, largely menial, in the eyes of the knighthood.

Battle of Bannockburn 24th June 1314: picture by William Hole RSA

Because of the nature of the guerrilla war Robert de Bruce and the Scots had been fighting over the previous years against the English they had few mounted knights available for the battle. The Scots army comprised foot soldiers mostly armed with spears and that was the force Robert the Bruce had to rely upon.

While Bannockburn is held up as an important event for Scottish nationalism it is intriguing to remember that the knights on each side were essentially of the same stock, Norman-French or Northern European. The language spoken was in many instances still French.

Stirling Castle: Battle of Bannockburn 23rd and 24th June 1314

As the Middle Ages progressed the limitations of mounted knights attempting to win battles alone were repeatedly revealed: the Battles of Charleroi, Crecy and Agincourt were three examples.

Bannockburn was again to show the inadequacy of largely unsupported heavy cavalry.

Edward I, King of England, Maleus Scotorum, and father of Edward II, 1239 to 1307: Battle of Bannockburn 23rd and 24th June 1314

The Background to the Battle of Bannockburn:

Edward I, King of England from 1239 to 1307 and father to King Edward II, conquered Scotland as he conquered Wales. Once the local forces had been overcome in open battle Edward’s system of occupation was to build a network of stone castles or walled towns each occupied by an armed force under a loyal local or English knight.

Edward I died on 6th July 1307 and his son Edward II became King of England. The King had to contend with a number of powerful noblemen each with large regional estates and substantial military resources. A similar politico-social system was in place in most areas of Western Europe. It took a king of considerable military and political acumen and ruthless resolve to keep the English nobility in order and to force them to pursue the national or royal interest as opposed to their own individual interests. Edward I was such a king while his son Edward II certainly was not. Edward II’s reign was blighted by simmering dispute, frequently breaking into outright warfare, between King and Nobles. A particular source of discord was Edward II’s reliance upon his favourite, Piers Gaveston, a Gascon knight, whom Edward made Earl of Cornwall. Gaveston was hated by most of the senior nobility of England, a group of whom finally assassinated him in 1312.

Robert de Bruce, King of the Scots
from 1306 to 1329: Battle of Bannockburn 23rd and 24th June 1314

Robert de Bruce and his Scots followers rejoiced openly at the death of King Edward I. The Bruce now embarked on his war to push the English out of Scotland and to establish his dominance over his Scottish rivals as King of the Scots.

The English castles while a powerful mechanism for dominating occupied country with garrisons of small groups of armed knights and men had a major weakness which lay in its day to day security. During their campaign against the occupying English the Scots became masters of the art of taking fortifications by trick and surprise. A standard piece of kit for the Scots, which they perfected, was the scaling ladder. There were rarely enough men in a castle to watch the length of the fortifications fully and inevitably there were periods when such watch as there was lapsed. Approaching with stealth the Scots would scale the walls and take the castle or town. The classic was the capture of Edinburgh Castle on 14th March 1313 by Randolph Earl of Moray. The castle watch actually looked over the wall at the point where the Scots were preparing to attack, before loudly moving on, leaving the Scots to scale the wall and open the gate to the waiting force, which then stormed the castle.

A particularly popular tale is the taking of Linlithgow Castle by William Bannock in September 1313. Bannock drove up in a cart filled with fodder for the garrison’s horses and stopped the cart in the gateway thereby preventing the garrison from closing the gate. Armed men leaped from beneath the fodder and, assisted by a band of men that rushed the gate, the castle was stormed.

As each castle or town was captured the fortifications built over many years by the English were destroyed so that the English could not re-establish their control of the country, even if the place was re-taken.

Finally few castles remained. One of these was Stirling Castle held for Edward II by Sir Philip de Mowbray. In around February 1313 the brother of King Robert de Bruce, Edward de Bruce, began a siege of Stirling Castle. In June 1313 de Mowbray put an offer to Edward de Bruce. The offer was that if Stirling Castle was not relieved by Midsummer’s Day 1314, 24th June, de Mowbray would surrender the castle to de Bruce. To comply with this requirement the relieving English army would need to be within 3 miles of the castle within 8 days of that date. De Bruce appears to have accepted this offer without thinking through the implications, or possibly without caring. His brother the king was, on the other hand, fully aware of the consequences of this rash agreement, which in effect compelled Edward II to launch a new invasion of Scotland.

Edward II, King of England vanquished at the Battle of Bannockburn 23rd and 24th June 1314

At the end of 1313 Edward II issued the summonses for his army to assemble. The wording of these documents indicated that while the relief of Stirling Caste was the pretext, the intention was to re-conquer Scotland for the English Crown.

The shaky hold Edward II maintained over his nobility is illustrated by the number of powerful noblemen who refused to answer the call to arms: the Earl of Lancaster, the Earl of Warwick, the Earl of Warenne and the Earl of Arundel among others. The King’s call was answered by Henry de Bohun, Earl of Hereford and Constable of England, the Earl of Gloucester and the Earl of Pembroke. The Scottish Earl of Angus supported Edward.

Shield of Sir John Comyn, knight in the English army: Battle of Bannockburn 23rd and 24th June 1314

Knights answering Edward’s summons were: Sir Ingram de Umfraville, Sir Marmaduke de Tweng, Sir Raoul de Monthemer, Sir John Comyn and Sir Giles d’Argentan, several of them Scottish. Other knights joined Edward’s army from France, Gascony, Germany, Flanders, Brittany, Aquitaine, Guelders, Bohemia, Holland, Zealand and Brabant. Foot soldiers came from all over England and archers from Wales.

Edward’s army assembled at Berwick in May 1314. There was complete confidence in victory over the Scots. The army began its advance into Scotland on 17th June 1314, the column covering a considerable area accompanied by numerous flocks of sheep and cattle to provide rations and carts carrying the baggage of the members of the army and the quantities of fodder required for the knight’s heavy fighting horses.

The army marched to Edinburgh and took the old Roman road to Stirling. Beyond Falkirk the road passed through the forest of Torwood, also known in French as Les Torres, before crossing the Bannockburn stream into the New Park and on to Stirling. To the right of the route wound the tidal waters of the River Forth. Along the river was the scrubland area known as Les Polles. The area to the north of the Bannockburn ford on the road route was known as the Dryfield of Balquiderock. A small tributary of the Bannockburn called the Pelstream Burn curled around to the West. Beyond the Pelstream a boggy area led down to the Forth.

Abbot of Inchaffray blesses the Scots soldiers before the Battle of Bannockburn on 23rd June 1314

Robert de Bruce assembled his army of Scottish foot soldiers to the South of Stirling and formed them into 4 battalions commanded by himself, Thomas Randolph Earl of Moray, James Douglas and his brother Edward de Bruce. These battalions were given the name of ‘Schiltrons’. The King’s schiltron comprised men from his own estates in Carrick and the Western Highlands. The other schiltrons men from the estates of their commanders and their associates. Randolph led men from Ross and the North: Edward de Bruce led men from Buchan, Mar, Angus and Galloway: Douglas men from the Borders. The small force of mounted knights and men-at-arms was commanded by Sir Robert Keith, Marischal to the King of Scotland.

Robert the Bruce addresses his army before the Battle of Bannockburn on 23rd June 1314

Several of the Highland clans under their chiefs marched with the Scots army: William Earl of Sutherland, Macdonald Lord of the Isles, Sir Malcolm Drummond, Campbell of Lochow and Argyle, Grant of Grant, Sir Simon Fraser, Mackays, Macphersons, Camerons, Chisholms, Gordons, Sinclairs, Rosses, Mackintoshes, MacLeans, MacFarlanes, Macgregors and Mackenzies among them.
Some Scottish clans fought for Edward II: MacDougalls and MacNabs.

Robert the Bruce positioned his army in the New Park with Randolph’s schiltron to the fore and his own immediately behind it. The chosen method of combat was for each schiltron to form a bristling mass of spears which the English knights would be unable to penetrate. The Scots dug concealed pits across the front of their position and along the bank of the Bannockburn to break up any mounted charge against them.

Map of the Battle of Bannockburn First Day: 23rd June 1314: map by John Fawkes

Account of the Battle of Bannockburn:

The Scots soldiery was aroused at around day break on Sunday 23rd June 1314. Maurice the aged blind Abbot of Inchaffray celebrated mass for the army after which Robert de Bruce addressed his soldiers, informing them that anyone who did not have the stomach for a fight should leave. A great cry re-assured him that most were ready for the battle. The camp followers, known as the ‘Small Folk’, were sent off to wait at the rear of the field, probably on the hill called St Gillies’ Hill. The Schiltrons were formed for battle fronting the fords over the Bannockburn that the English must cross.

Edward’s army had marched some 20 miles on Saturday 22nd June 1314 arriving at Falkirk in the evening. Edward had left it late in leaving Berwick if he was to reach Stirling by Midsummer’s Day and it was necessary to make up lost time. Sir James Keith led a mounted to patrol to watch the arrival of the English Army and he found this a daunting sight as Edward’s men camped over a wide area, the sun glinting on a myriad of weapons and armour.

The bore-stone where Robert the Bruce’s standard was fixed: Battle of Bannockburn on 23rd and 24th June 1314

The English army was formed in 10 divisions each led by a senior nobleman or experienced knight.
On Sunday 23rd June 1314 Edward’s army began its final march up to the Bannockburn. The King was met by Sir Philip de Mowbray who had ridden out of Stirling Castle with a body of horseman, taking the path through the boggy ground by the Forth leading to the Carse and across the Bannockburn.

De Mowbray tried to persuade Edward to abandon his advance to battle. De Mowbray seems to have had grave reservations as to the outcome, not shared by the headstrong nobles and knights that Edward led.

A body of some 300 horsemen under Sir Robert Clifford and Henry de Beaumont rode back to Stirling Castle with de Mowbray to re-enforce the garrison. This body took the path de Mowbray had ridden out on and passed under the noses of Randolph’s shiltron. Randolph received a stinging rebuke from his King, who remarked “See Randolph, there is a rose fallen from your chaplet. Thoughtless man. You have permitted the enemy to pass.”

Robert de Bruce kills Sir Henry de Bohun in single combat on the first day of the Battle of Bannockburn on 23rd June 1314

Randolph rushed his foot soldiers down to the path to block the route of Clifford’s and de Beaumont’s force. A savage fight took place with the English horsemen unable to penetrate the spear points of Randolph’s hastily formed schiltron. The Scots were hard pressed and Douglas moved his men forward to give help but saw that the English were giving way. The English squadron broke in two with half riding for the castle and the remainder returning to the main army. In the initial attack Sir Thomas Grey was brought from his horse and taken, while Sir William D’Eyncourt was killed.

Shield of Sir Robert de Clifford,
knight in the English army: Battle of Bannockburn 23rd and 24th June 1314

While Clifford and de Beaumont were engaged with Randolph the main English Army had moved out of the Torwood. The English advance continued inexorably with the advance guard under the Earls of Hereford and Gloucester riding to cross the Bannockburn and attack the Scots in the forest beyond. To the English it seemed inevitable that the Scots would withdraw and avoid battle in view of the enormous disparity in numbers and arms. It was at this point that Hereford’s nephew Sir Henry de Bohun galloped ahead of the advancing English array to challenge the Scots King to single combat.

Robert de Bruce rode forward to meet de Bohun. The contrast in their equipment was stark. De Bohun was fully armoured with lance and shield and rode a heavy destrier horse. De Bruce rode a light palfrey and was armed with sword and short axe. He was mounted to command infantry not to take part in a heavy cavalry charge. De Bohun rode at de Bruce with lance couched. De Bruce evaded de Bohun’s lance point and as the Anglo-Norman thundered past him struck him a deadly blow on the head with his axe. De Bohun fell dead.

Following their king’s triumph the Scots infantry rushed on the English army struggling to clear the Bannockburn, where the ford had compelled the mass of horsemen to pack into a narrow column. A terrible slaughter ensued, the English knights impeded by the shallow pits concealed with branches. Among the extensive English casualties the Earl of Gloucester was wounded and unhorsed, being rescued from death or capture by his retainers.

Robert de Bruce strikes and kills Sir Henry de Bohun with his axe in single combat before the Battle of Bannockburn on 23rd June 1314: picture by John Hassall

After the engagement such of the English as had come through the ford re-crossed the Bannockburn and the Scots infantry returned to their positions in the forests of the New Park. The English army had been convincingly repelled. Robert de Bruce’s immediate lieutenants reproached him for the risk he had taken in giving de Bohun single combat and the King simply regretted his broken axe.

With the end of the day Robert de Bruce consulted with his commanders as to the future conduct of the battle. The King proposed that the Scots army might withdraw from the field, leaving the English army to attempt a re-conquest of Scotland until a lack of supplies forced it to withdraw south of the border. On the other hand the Scots could renew the battle the next day. Bruce’s commanders urged a resumption of the battle. Soon afterwards a Scottish knight, Sir Alexander Seton, arrived from the English camp, having decided to resume his fealty to the Scottish King, and advised de Bruce that morale was low in the English army. Seton said “Sir, if you wish to take all of Scotland, now is the time. Edward’s army is grievously discouraged. You may beat them on the morrow with little loss and great glory.”

In the English camp on the far side of the Bannockburn the infantry was more than discouraged. The word was that the war was unrighteous and this had been the cause of the day’s defeat. God was against the English army. Order broke down and the horde of foot soldiers ransacked the supply wagons and drank through the night. Heralds declared the victory was certain in the morning but few were convinced.

Map of the Battle of Bannockburn Second Day: 24th June 1314: map by John Fawkes

It was decided that the assault in the morning should be brought about by crossing the Bannockburn nearer to the River Forth to avoid the area of pits. The English knights would then deploy and charge the Scots positioned in the New Park.

Early in the morning the English crossed the Bannockburn and formed up along the edge of the Carse of Balquiderock, ready to charge the Scots. It was not a good position. The left of the English line lay on the Bannockburn, the right was hemmed in by the Pelstream. There were too many English for the narrow area.

The Abbott of Inchaffray again passed among the Scots soldiery, blessing them. Again he held mass. The Abbott had brought relics of St Fillan and Abbott Bernard of Arbroath had brought the reliquary casket of St Columba to encourage the simple and superstitious soldiery. Seeing the kneeling Scots Edward commented to de Umfraville that they were craving his forgiveness for opposing him. De Umfraville answered that they were craving divine forgiveness.

Shield of Sir Pain de Tiptoft knight in the English army: Battle of Bannockburn 23rd and 24th June 1314

As part of the morning’s ceremony de Bruce knighted those of his army he considered had distinguished themselves on the previous day including Walter Stewart and James Douglas.

The Scots army then began to advance to the astonishment of the English that foot soldiers should advance against mounted knights.

Shield of Sir Edmund de Mauley,
knight in the English army: Battle of Bannockburn 23rd and 24th June 1314

Edward said to de Umfraville “Will these Scotsmen fight?” de Umfraville said “These men will gain all or die in the trying.” Edward said “So be it” and signalled for the trumpets to sound the charge.

First off the mark was the Earl of Gloucester. Edward had treated his suggestion of a day to recover from the previous day’s battle as cowardice and Gloucester intended to disprove this slur. The English knights hurled themselves onto the Scottish spear line with a terrible crash. The charge fell on Edward de Bruce’s schiltron. Many of the English knights were killed in the impact: Gloucester, Sir Edmund de Mauley, Sir John Comyn, Sir Pain de Tiptoft, Sir Robert de Clifford among them.

Robert de Bruce strikes and kills Sir Henry de Bohun with his axe in single combat before the Battle of Bannockburn on 23rd June 1314: picture by Ambrose de Walton

Randolph’s and Douglas’s schiltrons came up on the left flank and attacked the unengaged English cavalry waiting to charge in support of the first line.

On the extreme English right flank the Welsh archers came into action causing a pause in the Scots attack until they were dispersed by Keith’s force of light horsemen.

Supporting the assault of the spearmen of the schiltrons the Scots archers poured volleys of arrows into the struggling English cavalry line as it was pushed back across the dry ground into the broken area of the Carse.

Robert Bruce drives the English into the Bannockburn: Battle of Bannockburn on 24th June 1314

The Scots spearmen pressed forward against the increasingly exhausted and hemmed in English army. The cry went up “On them. On them. They fail. They fail.”

The final blow was the appearance of the ‘Small Folk’, the Scots camp followers, shouting and waving sheets. The English army began to fall back to the Bannockburn with ever increasing speed and confusion and foot soldiers and horsemen attempted to force their way across the stream. High banks impeded the crossing and many are said to have drowned in the confusion. Many escaped across into the area of tidal bog land known as Les Polles where they fell prey to their exhaustion, heavy equipment and the knives of the Small Folk.

The Battle of Bannockburn 23rd and 24th June 1314: a contemporary representation

Aftermath to the Battle of Bannockburn:

Once it was clear that the day was lost, the Earl of Pembroke seized King Edward’s bridle and led him away from the battle field surrounded by the Royal retainers and accompanied by Sir Giles de Argentan. Once the King was safe de Argentan returned to the battle and was killed.

King Edward II of England refused entry to Stirling Castle after the battle by Sir Philip de Mowbray, the governor: Battle of Bannockburn 23rd and 24th June 1314

Shield of Sir Raoul de
Monthemere, knight in the English army:
Battle of Bannockburn 23rd and 24th June 1314

Edward was taken to the gates of Stirling Castle. Here de Mowbray urged the King not to take refuge in the castle as he would inevitably be taken prisoner when the castle was forced to surrender to the Scots. Edward took this advice and with his retinue skirted around the battlefield and rode for Linlithgow. He then rode to Dunbar and took boat to Berwick.

The memorial to Sir Edmund de Mauley in York Minster: Sir Edmund died fighting in the English army: Battle of Bannockburn 23rd and 24th June 1314

A group of nobles, the Earl of Hereford, Robert de Umfraville Earl of Angus, Sir Ingram de Umfraville and others fled to Bothwell Castle where they were taken and handed to the Scots by the Castle Constable Sir Walter FitzGilbert.

The Earl of Pembroke led his Welsh archers away from the battle field and after a tortuous and hazardous march brought them back to Wales. One of these archers may have been the source for the account of the battle in the Valle Crucis Abbey chronicle.

Coat of Arms of Sir Marmaduke de Tweng of the English Army captured at the battle by the Scots: Battle of Bannockburn 23rd and 24th June 1314

Others among the prisoners were Sir Marmaduke de Tweng and Sir Raoul de Monthemere.

King Robert de Bruce returned the bodies of Gloucester and Sir Robert de Clifford to Berwick for burial by their families. De Bruce conducted a vigil over the body of Gloucester to whom he was related.

Casualties at the Battle of Bannockburn:

There is little reliable evidence on the number slain. The English probably lost around 300 to 700 mounted knights and men-at-arms killed in the battle with many more killed in the flight from the field.

Few foot soldiers are likely to have been killed in the battle. It is unknown how many Scots were killed.

Memorial in Copthorne Church of Sir Edmund de Twenge who fought with the English army: Battle of Bannockburn 23rd and 24th June 1314

The war against the English continued with years of Scots invasions of England and some counter invasions. Berwick changed hands several times. The Pope, acting on the English account, excommunicated King Robert de Bruce and a number of prominent Scots clergy and placed Scotland under interdict. In 1320 the Declaration of Arbroath was signed in Arbroath Abbey under the seals of 8 Scottish Earls and sent to the Pope. It contained a statement of the origins of the Scottish people and a declaration of their independence from England.

Heraldic representation of Robert the Bruce, King of Scotland: Battle of Bannockburn 23rd and 24th June 1314
© The Heraldry Society of Scotland 2004

The statue of Robert de Bruce on the battlefield: Battle of Bannockburn 23rd and 24th June 1314 by Pilkington Jackson

In 1327 Edward II was deposed by his nobles and senior clergy. His son Edward III became the new king. Edward II died in Berkeley Castle on 21st September 1327 under suspicion that he had been murdered.

The Treaty of Edinburgh bringing the long wars between England and Scotland to an end was signed on 17th March 1328 and ratified by Edward III on 4th May 1328.

King Robert de Bruce died at Cardross on 7th June 1329.

Anecdotes from the Battle of Bannockburn:

  • Before the Battle of Bannockburn Friar Baston of King Edward II’s entourage wrote a ballad celebrating the coming victory over the Scots. Baston was captured and required to re-write his ballad to record the true victors. He did so and it remains a valuable record. He was then released by Robert de Bruce.
  • The Earl of Hereford was exchanged for King Robert’s wife and daughter who had been held for a number of years by the English, Queen Mary in a cage on the wall of Roxburgh Castle, and some 12 other Scots prisoners held by Edward.

Coat of Arms of Sir William de
Erth of Airth killed at
Cambuskenneth Abbey by the
Earl of Athol: Battle of Bannockburn 23rd and 24th June 1314

The previous battle in the British Battles series is the Battle of Hastings

The next battle in the British Battles series is the Battle of Sluys

16. Podcast of the Battle of Bannockburn: Robert the Bruce’s iconic victory of the Scots over the English in 1314: John Mackenzie’s britishbattles.com podcast

Otsige saidilt BritishBattles.com

Jälgi / Like meid

Muud lehed

Briti lahingute podcast

Kui olete saidi lugemiseks liiga hõivatud, siis miks mitte alla laadida individuaalse lahingu podcast ja kuulata liikvel olles! Külastage meie spetsiaalset Podcasti lehte või külastage allpool Podbeani.


Vaata videot: Battle of Bannockburn, 1314 AD First War of Scottish Independence