Riik, kus naised hääletasid ammu enne 19. muudatust

Riik, kus naised hääletasid ammu enne 19. muudatust


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Kui riigisekretär Bainbridge Colby kinnitas 26. augustil 1920 oma 19. muudatusele oma allkirja, said naised üle Ameerika Ühendriikide hääleõiguse. Uus põhiseaduse muudatus aga ei toonud muutusi riigi ühes piirkonnas, kus naised olid aastakümneid hääletamas käinud, mida sageli peeti karmi mehelikkuse bastioniks ja „naisele pole kohta” - Metsikku Läänet.

Kuigi naiste hääleõigus ei olnud USA põhiseaduses enne 19. muudatust konkreetselt sätestatud, ei olnud see ka keelatud. Näiteks lubati vallalistel naistel, kellel oli kinnisvara väärtusega „viiskümmend naela”, New Jersey osariigis aastatel 1776–1807 hääletada, enne kui õigust piirati valgetele meestele. 1838. aastal lubas Kentucky kooliealiste lastega lesknaistel hääletada koolivalimistel ja Kansas järgnes sellele 1861. aastal.

LOE LISAKS: Naiste valimisliikumine sai alguse teepeost

Naiste valimisõigus oli aga peaaegu olematu, kui 1869. aastal salongipidaja ja Wyomingi territooriumi ülemkoja president William Bright esitas seaduseelnõu, millega antakse kõigile 21 -aastastele ja vanematele naissoost elanikele hääleõigus. Wyomingi osariigi ajalooühingu andmetel oli territoriaalne seadusandja juba vastu võtnud järkjärgulised meetmed, mis tagavad naisõpetajatele meestega võrdse tasu ja annavad abielus naistele omandiõigused peale nende abikaasade. Bright'i meede, mis toetab naiste üldist valimisõigust, oleks Ameerika Ühendriikides siiski murranguline.

Eelnõu läbis meessoost seadusandliku kogu mõlemad kojad ja vabariiklaste kuberner John Campbell kirjutas 10. detsembril 1869 seadusele alla. Järgmise aasta septembris sai 69-aastasest Louisa Swainist, keda kohalik ajaleht kirjeldas kui “õrna valgejuukselist koduperenaist”, esimesed naised, kes hääletasid seaduse alusel oma Wyomingi linnas Laramie linnas. Protesti ei toimunud. "Meie kogukonnas oli liiga palju mõistust, et sellisel korral oleks näha mõnitusi või pilkeid," teatas Laramie Sentinel. Uus seadus lubas naistel töötada ka žüriides ja olla avalikus ametis. Esther Morrisest sai 1870. aastal Wyomingi esimene rahukohtunik ja ta vaatas ametiajal üle 40 kohtuasja.

Miks oli see hõredalt asustatud territoorium naiste õiguste eesliinil piiri karmidel servadel? Kui Bright ja teised uskusid soolise võrdõiguslikkuse ideaalidesse, siis Wyomingi osariigi ajalooühing ütleb, et on ka teisi tegureid.

Territooriumil, kus mehed ületasid naisi 6: 1 suhtega, lootsid mõned, et meetme avalikustamine võib meelitada Wyomingi vallalisi naisi, et parandada soolist tasakaalustamatust ja aidata tal saavutada omariikluse taotlemiseks vajalik rahvastikukünnis. Oma osa mängis ka poliitika, kuna mõned demokraatide seadusandjad lootsid, et eelnõu paneb vabariiklaste kuberneri karmile kohale. Kui Campbell, kelle partei toetas afroameerika hääleõigust, paneks meetmele veto, näeks ta silmakirjalik. Kui see möödub, arvasid demokraadid, et naisvalijad premeerivad neid meetme kehtestamise eest.

LOE LISAKS: Naised, kes võitlesid hääletuse eest

Nende demokraatide suureks kurvastuseks said vabariiklased aga territoriaalse seadusandliku koosseisu kohad ja võitsid kahe aasta jooksul pärast Campbelli seaduse allkirjastamist territoriaalse esindaja kongressile. Süüdistades äsja valimisõiguslikke valijaid nende lüüasaamises, võtsid demokraadid vastu seaduseelnõu naiste valimisõiguse keelamiseks, kuid jäid ühe häälega alla Campbelli vetoõigusele.

"Wyoming on esimene koht Jumala rohelisel maal, mis võib järjekindlalt väita, et on vabade maa!" kuulutas naiste valimisõiguslik juht Susan B. Anthony. Naaberterritoorium Utah järgis kiiresti Wyomingi eeskuju, läbides naiste valimisõiguse veebruaris 1870. Washingtoni ja Montana läänepiirkonnad võtsid sarnased meetmed vastu 1880. aastatel.

Kui Wyoming taotles omariiklust kaks aastakümmet pärast ajaloolist hääletust, kiitsid territooriumi kodanikud heaks põhiseaduse, mis säilitas naiste valimisõiguse. Kui kongress ähvardas Wyomingi liidust eemal hoida, kui see sätet ei tühista, keeldus territoorium liikumast. "Me jääme liidust välja sada aastat, selle asemel et naisteta sisse tulla," kuulutas territoriaalne seadusandja kongressi juhtidele telegrammis. Kongress leebus ja Wyomingist sai esimene osariik, kes andis naistele valimisõiguse, kui see sai riigi 44. osariigiks 1890. aastal.

Lääs oli jätkuvalt riigi kõige edumeelsem piirkond naiste täieliku valimisõiguse osas. Colorado kiitis selle heaks 1893. aastal ja Idaho tegi sama kolm aastat hiljem. Kongress oli Utahis 1887. aastal naisi valimisõiguseta keelanud polügaamia, kuid naised said valimisõiguse tagasi, kui territoorium sai osariigiks 1896. Pärast 1910. aastat ühinesid nendega Washington, California, Arizona, Kansas, Oregon, Montana, Nevada, Oklahoma, Lõuna -Dakota ja Alaska territoorium. (Isegi enne 19. muudatuse vastuvõtmist valis Montana 1916. aastal USA esindajatekojas naise Jeannette Rankini.) Riikliku põhiseaduse keskuse andmetel oli 1919. aastaks 15 osariiki, kus naistel oli täielik hääleõigus, ja vaid kaks neist olid Mississippi jõest ida pool. Tosin osariiki, mis piirasid naistel valimistel hääletamist, olid peamiselt lõunas ja idas.

Isegi pärast 19. muudatuse vastuvõtmist jätkas Wyoming naiste poliitika jälgimist, kui Nellie Tayloe Ross valiti riigi esimeseks naiskuberneriks 1924. aastal. Oma juhtiva rolli tõttu on Wyoming võtnud kasutusele hüüdnime „Võrdsusriik”. ja selle moto on "Võrdsed õigused".

LOE LISAKS: 19. muudatus: Ajalugu võitlusest kõigi naiste hääleõiguse eest


Riik, kus naised hääletasid ammu enne 19. muudatust - AJALUGU

Keegi ei tea, kas New Jersey tahtis seda teha. Hiljem tegid osariigi põhiseaduse allakirjutanud siiski selgeks, et nad tahavad seda säilitada.

1776. aasta suvel olid kolooniad ühiselt iseseisvust välja kuulutamas ja Trentoni provintsikongress kiirustas osariigi põhiseaduse kirjutamist. Osariigi kujundajad kirjutasid ja edastasid selle vaid viie päevaga.

Dokumendis, kus selgitatakse valitud ametnike eeskirju, nimetatakse kuberneri iga assamblee liikmeks "tema", "tema" iga maakonna šerif ja selle koronerid, "tema".

Kuid mingil põhjusel, kui see kirjeldab valijate eeskirju, ütleb see "nemad". Kõigil elanikel, kelle väärtus on vähemalt 50 naela ja kes on aasta aega elanud New Jerseys, on neil õigus hääletada.

Howard Pyle'i 1880. aasta graveering Harperi nädalalehes kannab pealkirja “Naised New Jersey küsitlustes vanal heal ajal.” Teadlased leidsid hiljuti küsitluslogidest tõendeid selle kohta, et naised hääletasid New Jerseys 1700. aastate lõpus ja 1800. aastate alguses. (Ameerika revolutsiooni muuseum)

Ja nii oli Ameerika iseseisvuse esimese kolme aastakümne jooksul seaduslik, et mõned New Jersey naised hääletasid rohkem kui sajand enne 19. muudatuse vastuvõtmist.

Isegi kui see algas juhusliku lüngana, selgitas 1790. aasta põhikiri, et „nad” tähendavad „teda” seitsmes New Jersey maakonnas, kus on suur kveekerite populatsioon. Aastal 1797 laiendas teine ​​põhikiri naiste valimisõigust nendest maakondadest kogu osariigini.

Aastakümneid on olnud peamiselt anekdootlikke tõendeid selle kohta, et kõik naised seda õigust tegelikult kasutasid - ajalehtede kontod, mis kurdavad naiste hääletamise üle, ja küsitlusloendi koopia kahe nimega, mis võinuks olla naiste nimed või meeste nimed, mis on valesti ümber kirjutatud.

"See on selline detektiivitöö, mida ajaloolased armastavad, sest see on ütlemata lugu," ütles Philip Mead, Ameerika ajaloo revolutsioonimuuseumi peaajaloolane Philadelphias.

Alates 2018. aastast uurisid muuseumitöötajad kuraatori Marcela Micucci juhtimisel New Jersey osariigi arhiivi, kohalikke ajalooühinguid ja muid kultuuriasutusi, otsides kõvemaid tõendeid.

Pärast kuudepikkust otsimist tabasid nad palgapori.

"Leidsime küsitlusnimekirja… valimistelt Somerseti maakonnas Montgomery alevikus 1801. aasta oktoobris. Selles nimekirjas oli 343 valijat ja 46 neist olid naised," ütles Micucci ajalehele The Washington Post. „Tormasin [Meadi] kontorisse, nimekiri trükiti minu kätte ja hüppasin üles ja alla. See oli väga põnev. ”

Sellest ajast alates on muuseumiteadlased leidnud veel 18 küsitlusnimekirja vahemikus 1797–1807, millest üheksa sisaldavad naiste nimesid. Kokku on nad tuvastanud 163 hääletanud naist.

"See ei olnud ainult mõned naised, vaid üsna suur hulk naisi," ütles Micucci.

Ameerika revolutsiooni muuseumi peaajaloolane Philip Mead ja kuraator Marcela Micucci juhtisid uuringut, mis leidis naiste nimesid New Jersey küsitlusnimekirjadest, näiteks see 1801. aastast. (Ameerika revolutsiooni muuseum)

Naiste nimed esinevad sageli koos, mis näitab, et nad saabusid valimisjaoskondadesse rühmadena, võib -olla enda kaitseks, ütles Mead.

"See on minu arvates julguse väljendus," ütles ta.

Seal olid piirangud. Sel ajal polnud abielunaistel üldjuhul omandiõigusi - naise vara läks abiellumisel tema abikaasale - see tähendab, et ainult vallalised ja lesed naised said täita valimisnõude.

Kuid oli ka teine ​​üllatav eelis - see, et osariigi põhiseaduses ei olnud „nemad” mitte ainult sooneutraalsed, vaid ka rassineutraalsed. Muuseumi meeskond on leidnud tõendeid selle kohta, et vähemalt üks vaba mustanahaline mees hääletas seaduslikult aastal 1801. Ja kuigi teoreetiliselt on võimalik, et ka vabad mustanahalised naised hääletasid, pole meeskond veel seda tõestanud. Micucci selgitas, et valgeid naisi on ajaloolises rekordis juba raske jälgida ja veelgi enam - mustanahalisi. Võimalik, et juba leitud 163 nime hulgas on mustanahaline naine ja teadlased pole lihtsalt suutnud leida tema kohta eluloolist teavet teistest olemasolevatest andmetest.

Ja kuigi teadlased teavad nüüd, et naiste hääletamine oli laialt levinud, ei ole meeskond leidnud tõendeid koloniaalajastu mis tahes organiseeritud eelvalimisliikumise kohta, ütles Mead.

See ei tähenda, et see jäi noorte inimeste tähelepanu alt välja.

Mead ütles, et John Adams kirjeldas kunagi George Washingtoni lapselapset Nelly Custist, kes oli kinnisvaraomanikuna „hobuse selga hüpanud ja hääletamist nõudes galoppi saatnud”.

1797. aastal oma õele saadetud kirjas palus toonane esileedi Abigail Adams tal öelda kohalikul võistlusel kaotanud kandidaadile, et kui Massachusettsi osariigi põhiseadus oleks olnud New Jersey omaga võrdselt liberaalne ja lubanud naised hääletusele, oleks pidanud seda kindlasti tema nimel kasutama. ”

Ja muidugi on Abigaili kuulus kiri oma abikaasale 1776. aastal, kutsudes teda üles „daame mäletama”, kui ta koos teiste asutajatega iseseisvust arutas.

Mõlemad kirjad koos avastamata küsitlusnimekirjadega lisatakse muuseumi uuele väljapanekule „Kui naised kaotasid hääle: revolutsiooniline lugu 1776–1807”. Algselt plaaniti avada augustis, kuid pandeemia tõttu on see edasi lükatud oktoobrini.

Naise nimi ilmub New Jersey osariigi arhiivist pärit 1801. aasta Montgomery Township, N.J. küsitlusnimekirjas. (Ameerika revolutsiooni muuseum)

Niisiis, kuidas kaotasid New Jersey naised hääle?

Kõige ameerikalikumal viisil - parteipoliitika altaril.

Selleks ajaks, kui Washington 1797. aastal ametist lahkus, muutusid võitlused tekkivate erakondade - föderalistide ja demokraatlike vabariiklaste - vahel nii kibedaks, et esimene president veetis suure osa oma hüvastijätukõnest nende eest hoiatades.

Olukord halvenes järgmise kümnendi jooksul ja sellega kaasnesid üha rohkem süüdistusi valijate pettuses. Aastal 1802 kutsusid Hunterdoni maakonna poliitilised liidrid New Jersey seadusandjat tungivalt üles tühistama kohalikud valimised, väites, et mõned küsitlusnimekirjas olevad inimesed on Philadelphia elanikud, sisserändajad, orjastatud ja eriti abielus naised, ütles Micucci.

Aastal 1806 süüdistati Essexi maakonnas taas naisi ja värvilisi, kui müstiliselt anti rohkem hääli kui oli hääleõiguslikke inimesi.

"See oli hetk, aastal 1807, mil ameeriklastel tekkisid tõsised kahtlused oma demokraatias," ütles Mead. "Ma arvan, et [seadusandjad] otsisid suurt sammu, mida nad saaksid teha, et taastada usaldus hääletamissüsteemi vastu, ja nad jäid jõhkralt patuoinaks naiste, värviliste ja sisserändajate poole."

Seadust muudeti, et eemaldada omandinõue ja piirata frantsiisi ainult valgete meestega.

"Ja see ei olnud muidugi lahendus. Hääletamisprobleemid jätkusid, ”ütles Mead.

Kaheksa aastat hiljem sündis naabruses New Yorgis naine Elizabeth Cady. Ta kasvas üles aktivistiks, abiellus abolitsionistist Henry Stantoniga ja kohtus 1848. aastal teiste naiste õiguste toetajatega Seneca juga, kus ta esitas meeleolude deklaratsiooni mustandi.

Aastaks 1880 elas Elizabeth Cady Stanton New Jerseys ja kuna ta pidi seal makse maksma, otsustas ta proovida hääletada. Ta läks valimispaika, mis oli selga pandud „pühapäevases riietuses”, jutustas ta koos oma sõbra Susan B. Anthonyga, kes oli „alati valmis hääletamiskastil eskapiidi tegema”.

Adelaide Johnsoni loodud marmorist mälestussammas sufragistidele Lucretia Mott, Elizabeth Cady Stanton ja Susan B. Anthony seisab USA Capitol Rotundas. (Fritz Hahn/The Washington Post)

Inspektor keeldus talle hääletamissedelit andmast, selgitades, et pretsedenti pole naisel võimalik hääletada.

Vastupidi, ta ütles talle: "New Jersey pühal pinnasel, kus me praegu seisame, hääletasid naised kolmkümmend üks aastat, 1776-1807."

Inspektor ütles, et ei tea asjast midagi. Ta polnud kunagi riigi põhiseadust lugenud.

Selle loo kohta

Illustratsioonid Bárbara Malagoli ajalehele The Washington Post. Toimetanud Lynda Robinson. Kunstijuht Amanda Soto. Disain ja arendus Madison Walls. Disaini toimetamine Suzette Moyeri poolt. Koopiatöötlus, autor Anne Kenderdine. Fototöötlus ja uurimistöö Mark Miller.


Utahi naistel oli õigus hääletada ammu enne teisi - ja siis võeti see ära

Täna möödub 150 aastat naiste esimestest hääletustest Ameerika Ühendriikides piiramatu naiste valimisõiguse alusel. 14. veebruaril 1870 andis 23-aastane kooliõpetaja Seraph Young oma teel Salt Lake City kohalike omavalitsuste valimistel oma hääle. Tema ja veel umbes 24 naist hääletasid sel päeval ning sel suvel järgisid tuhanded Utahi naised üldvalimistel. 50 aastat enne 19. muudatuse saamist siseriiklikuks õiguseks tegid Utahi naiskodanikud ajalugu esimesena, kes kasutasid võrdseid valimisõigusi.

Veebruaris 1870 võttis Utahi territoriaalne seadusandja vastu seaduseelnõu, millega laiendati valimisõigusi naissoost kodanikele. Wyomingi territoorium kehtestas naiste valimisõiguse detsembris 1869, kuid valimiste aja tõttu läksid Utahis naised esimesena valima. Mõned Ameerika naised olid varem saanud piiratud tingimustel hääletada-kinnisvara omavad (vallalised) naised olid New Jerseys hääletanud, kuni nemad ja mustanahalised mehed võeti 1807. aastal. Pärast seda olid mõned osariigid, nagu Kentucky ja Kansas, lubas teatud naistel hääletada koolivalitsuses või muudel kohalikel valimistel. Kuid Wyomingi ja Utah territooriumid laiendasid kõigepealt naissoost kodanikele hääletamisõigust kõigil valimistel ilma omandipiiranguteta. (Siiski välistasid diskrimineerivad kodakondsusseadused põlisameeriklased ja teised värvilised naised.) Oluline on see, et kuigi Utahns tegi ajalugu esimeste hääleõiguslike naistena võrdsete valimisõigustega, siis hiljem võeti nad osavõtul osana föderaalvalitsuse jõupingutustest lõpetada polügaamia.

See lugu paljastab ajaloolise tõe, mis jäi kahekümnenda 19. muudatuse sajanda aastapäeva pidustustel kahe silma vahele - et valimisliikumine oli pikk jama, millega kaasnesid tagasilöögid, lahkhelid ja vead. Valimisõiguse ajalugu ei ole olnud lineaarne progress. Naiste hääleõigus ei laienenud ühtlaselt värvilistele naistele. Samuti ei laienenud need püsivalt: ajalugu ja praegused sündmused näitavad, et hääleõigusi on raske kaitsta ja säilitada.

Alates 1870. aasta algusest olid Utah osariigi naiste hääleõigused takerdunud riiklikesse vaidlustesse polügaamia praktiseerimise pärast Viimse Aja Pühade Jeesuse Kristuse Kiriku liikmete seas. Kirik uskus, et polügaamia - mitmikabielu - põhineb jumalikul ilmutusel ja väitis, et polügaamia on kõrgem sotsiaalne ja religioosne süsteem. Kuid oponendid väitsid, et polügaamia oli naisi rõhuv ja alandav ning et see ohustas Ameerika vabariigi südames üksikisiku vabaduse põhimõtet.

Pärast kodusõda pööras kongress tähelepanu mormoonide küsimusele. 1856. aasta vabariiklaste platvorm nõudis territooriumidel likvideerimist polügaamiast ja orjusest, „barbarismi kaksikreliikviatest”. Varasemaid föderaalseid polügaamiavastaseid õigusakte ei olnud jõustatud ning mandriteülese raudtee valmimine ja suurem tähelepanu läänele jõudis töö lõpetamiseni.

Mõned sufragistid nägid avanemist ja soovitasid, et Utah ’osariigi naiste valimisõigus oleks parim viis polügaamia lõpetamiseks. Kui naistel oleks hääl, võiksid nad end sellest praktikast vabastada. Tegelikult kutsus Susan B. Anthony rahvuslik naiste valimisliit (NWSA) Kongressi tungivalt kehtestama naiste valimisseaduse Utah ’jaoks, mis on„ turvaline, kindel ja kiire vahend selle territooriumi polügaamia kaotamiseks ”. See oli ka võimalus katsetada naiste hääleõigust kaugel lääneosas.

Arved jäid kongressis seisma, kuid Utahns ise asus naiste hääleõiguse teemalisele vestlusele keerdkäiguga. Kirikule kuuluv Deseret News toimetas: „Kui soov on proovida vabariigis emastele naistele hääleõiguse andmise katset, ei tea me ühtegi kohta, kus seda katset saaks nii ohutult proovida kui sellel territooriumil. Meie daamid suudavad maailmale tõestada, et ... naistele võib anda õiguse ilma looduses jooksmata või seksita. ”

Utah ’naised tooksid maailmale eeskuju veel ühel rindel, kui nad saaksid hääle. Pärast viimse aja pühade juhtivate naiste mõningast strateegilist ärevust, et positsioneerida end usaldusväärsete poliitiliste partneritena, ja mitmenaisepidamisvastane seadus, mis jõudis läbi kongressi, võttis Utah territoriaalne seadusandja 1870. aasta veebruaris ühehäälselt vastu seaduse, millega laiendati hääleõigus naissoost kodanikele.

Sel ajal oli Wyomingi territoorium ainus koht, kus raamatute kohta oli sarnane naiste valimisseadus, kuid Wyomingi naissoost elanikkond oli kümnendik Utahi omast. Nii et järgmise kümnendi jooksul olid Utah ’naised ainus märkimisväärne naissoost valijate populatsioon. Nende hääletussedel äratas kohe riiklikku tähelepanu ja kontrolli. Kui Anthony ja Elizabeth Cady Stanton 1871.

Riiklikud reformijad vaatasid lootusrikkalt, kuid peagi selgus, et naised ei hääleta kirikujuhtide vastu. Nii hakkasid anti-polügamistid nägema tegurina Utahi naiste valimisõigust ülalpidamine polügaamia. Nad väitsid, et need naised tuleks valijaskonnast eemaldada, nii et nad tegid lobitööd kongressil, et tühistada Utah osariigi naiste hääleõigus, ja esitasid kohtuasjad, millega üritati muuta kehtetuks Utahi valimisõigus.

Viimse aja pühade naised Utahis võitlesid oma valimisõiguse ärahoidmise eest rohkem kui kümme aastat. Nad koondasid end rahvuslikul areenil rääkima ja alustasid 1872. aastal ühe pikaajalisema ajalehenaisega Woman’s Exponent. Oma esimeses numbris kuulutas eksponent: „Parem on ennast esindada, kui et teised meid eksitavad!” Viimse aja pühade naised kasutasid Washingtonis kiriku naisorganisatsiooni Abiühingu võrgustikku, et korraldada Washingtonis protestikoosolekuid, esitada avaldusi föderaalametnikele ja lobitöötajatele. See poliitiline kaasamine oli kahekordselt transgressiivne, toetades kahte tava-polügaamiat ja naiste valimisõigust-, mis oli 19. sajandi Ameerika kultuuriga väga vastuolus. See tegi pritsimise.

Eelnevalt 20. sajandi alguses toimuvat arutelu valimisõiguse üle kaitsesid Utah ’viimse aja pühade naised oma poliitilisi õigusi, kaitstes oma valijakogemust. Nad lükkasid tagasi väited, et nad hääletasid ainult nii, nagu nende abikaasa juhtis, et hääletamine kahjustas nende võimet täita oma koduseid kohustusi ja nad olid liiga rumalad, emotsionaalsed või ajupestud, et korralikult hääletada. Selle asemel väitsid nad, nagu ka selles 1878. aasta kongressile esitatavas avalduses: „Oleme hääletanud oma vaba tahte ja valikuga, olles täielikult näidanud, et auväärsed naised tunnevad valimistel sama palju austust kui ka salongis. ja kirik. ”

Kuid nende kohalolek tekitas valimisõiguse liikumises pingeid. Valimisõiguse juhid ei teadnud esialgu, mida teha polügaamsete häälega naistega, ja peavoolu Ameerika Naiste Suffrage Association keeldus nendega koos töötamast või nende hääleõigust kaitsmast. Nii lõid viimse aja pühad sufragistid radikaalsema NWSA-ga vastastikku kasulikud suhted. Nad kogusid naiste valimisõiguse põhiseaduse muudatuse toetuseks rohkem petitsiooni allkirju kui ükski teine ​​riik või territoorium ja kindlustasid kutse NWSA konventsioonile 1879. aastal.

Viimse aja pühade naistest said nende konventsioonide võistlejad, kes istusid silmapaistvalt, arvestades kõneplatvormi ja esile tõstetud seaduslike poliitiliste tegijatena. NWSA pole kunagi polügaamiat heaks kiitnud, kuid see tõstis tervitatavat häält kongressi katsete vastu polügaamiliste naiste õiguste äravõtmiseks.

Kuid 1887. aastaks oli kampaania polügaamia vastu võitnud. Kongressi poolt vastu võetud Edmunds-Tuckeri seadus muutis kiriku inkorporeerituks, muutis abielu- ja pärimisseadusi ning tühistas kõik Utah osariigi naiste hääleõigus.

Viimse aja pühade sufraganistid korraldasid 1889. aastal NWSA all valimisõiguse tagasivõitmiseks. Polügaamia ei kadunud kunagi täielikult valimisliikumise küsimusena, kuid see muutus vähem eraldavaks kiiluks pärast seda, kui kirik kuulutas selle praktika ametliku lõpetamise 1890. aastal. Utah's Woman Suffrage Associationil oli peagi tuhandeid liikmeid kogu territooriumil, kes pidasid loenguid võrdsed õigused, võrdne palk ja muud poliitilised küsimused, kirjutas veerge kohalikes ajalehtedes, korraldas üritusi ja töötas selle nimel, et saada osariigiks saades võrdse valimisõiguse klausel, mis sisaldub Utahi põhiseaduses. Kõige selle juures said nad oma kohaliku kogukonna ja kirikujuhtide laialdast toetust.

Nendel ja muudel viisidel lõid Utahi naised laiema naiste valimisliikumise Ameerika Ühendriikides. Kui Utah liitus 1896. aastal liiduga ja taastas naiste hääleõiguse, oli vaid kaks teist valimisriiki - Wyoming ja Colorado. (Idaho võttis samal aastal vastu põhiseaduse muudatuse.) Järgmise osariigi liitumine nendega võtab aega 14 aastat. Kuigi riiklikke valimisorganisatsioone juhiti New Yorgist ja Washingtonist, kogusid lääne naised petitsioone, kogusid raha, läksid kõnele ja näitasid, et taevas ei langenud, kui naised hääletasid. Nad survestasid oma valitud kongressi liikmeid, kes tervitasid USA Kapitooliumi astmel valimisparaade, esinesid miitingutel ja jätkasid Susan B. Anthony muudatuse aeglast edasiarendamist.

Lääne naised said aastakümnete pikkuse kogemuse valijate ja valitud riigiametnikena, enne kui enamik (valgeid) ameerika naisi 1920. aastal esimest korda valima läks. Hääletavad naised andsid sageli kongressikomiteede ees tunnistust „naiste valimisõiguse praktilisest toimimisest”. Nad näitasid, et vastupidiselt sufragistidevastastele argumentidele ei olnud hääletamine neid alandanud, muutnud neid manööverdavaks ega jätnud kodu ja pere hooletusse. Selle asemel, nagu tunnistas riigi esimene naissoost senaator Martha Hughes Cannon aastal 1898, näitasid Utah 'osariigi naiste kogemused, et „ühtegi ette nähtud ebameeldivat tulemust pole toimunud”.

Kui vaatame sel aastal uuesti läbi valimisõiguse ajalugu, meenutagem naisi läänes, kes hääletasid esimesena ja sillutasid teed.


Pikk ja raske lahing 19. muudatuse ja naiste hääleõiguse nimel

Mõnikord tundub, et USA kui ühiskond on teinud suuri edusamme käimasolevas võitluses soolise võrdõiguslikkuse eest. Ja mõnikord tõstab reaalsus oma inetu pea ja saate aru, et riigil on veel pikk tee minna. Tõde on see, et naised võitlevad jätkuvalt iga päev võrdsete õiguste eest ja alles nii kaua aega tagasi keelati naissoost elanikkonnal (umbes pool USAst) poliitikas osaleda - kuni 19. muudatus seda muutis.

19. muudatus, mille Kongress võttis vastu 4. juunil 1919 ja ratifitseeris 18. augustil 1920, andis lõpuks naistele Ameerikas valimisõiguse. & quot; Valimisliikumine. "Naised hakkasid Wyomingis hääletama 1869. aastal ja võitsid hääletuse teistes osariikides. Samuti võisid nad sageli hääletada kohalikel linnavalimistel või koolivalitsuse valimistel enne 19. muudatust. Sellegipoolest oli 19. muudatus revolutsiooniline, kuna see hõlmas rohkem inimesi kui ükski teine ​​seadus USA ajaloos. "

1848. aasta Seneca joa konventsioon

Juba enne kodusõja puhkemist hakkasid paljud naised tõrjuma ideed, et nende roll pole midagi muud kui alistuv naine ja ema, kes tegelevad oma kodu ja perega. Samal ajal mängisid naised juhtivaid rolle reformirühmades, religioossetes liikumistes ja orjusevastastes organisatsioonides. Kõik need tegevused aitasid 19. sajandil Ameerika Ühendriikides uuesti määratleda, mida tähendab olla naine.

Kuid see oli alles algus võitlusele naiste poliitilise panuse eest, mida ei võidetud kiiresti ega lihtsalt. Esimene tõeline ettepanek naiste valimisõiguse kui eesmärgi idee kohta sai alguse Ameerika Ühendriikide esimesel naiste õiguste konventsioonil Seneca Fallsi konventsioonil. See toimus juulis 1848 New Yorgis Seneca Fallsis. Osales üle 300 inimese - nii mehed kui naised -, sealhulgas afroameerika abolitsionist Frederick Douglass ja juhtiv naiste õiguste kaitsja Elizabeth Cady Stanton, üks kohtumise korraldajatest. Ta alustas üritust õhutava kõnega:

Delegaadid kirjutasid "Tunnetuste deklaratsiooni", milles kirjeldasid naiste kaebusi ja nõudmisi, ning kutsusid naisi üles võitlema võrdsuse eest. Konvent võttis vastu 11 resolutsiooni nimekirja, sealhulgas üheksanda resolutsiooni, mis julgustas naisi ja kvottot kindlustama oma püha õiguse valikulisele frantsiisile ja oma valimisõigusele. See oli vaieldamatult kõige vastuolulisem - isegi ajendas paljusid naiste õiguste toetajaid oma toetust tõmbama - ja läks vaevu mööda. Kuid sellest sai ka naiste valimisliikumise alus.

Mis saabus pärast Seneca langemist

Järgnevatel aastatel hakkasid igas vanuses naised kirjutama, marssima ja praktiseerima kodanikuallumatust-isegi viidates tunnete deklaratsioonile-, et muuta põhiseadust, mis lubas algselt ainult 21-aastaseid ja 21-aastaseid valgeid mehi. vanemad hääletama.

Selleks ajaks, kui USA astus 1917. aastal I maailmasõda, oli National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) hästi välja kujunenud. Selle moodustasid 1890. aastal sufragistid Lucy Stone, Alice Stone Blackwell, Susan B. Anthony, Harriot Stanton Blatch, Rachel Foster ja Elizabeth Cady Stanton, kui ühinesid National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA) ja American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA).

Liikmed julgustasid naiste õiguste toetajaid ühinema sõjapüüdlustega ja väitsid, et naised väärivad hääletamist, kuna nende kogemused ja hääled olid poliitilises vestluses kriitilised. NAWSA töö tõi lisaks Rahvusliku Naispartei (NWP) protestidele kaasa laialdase huvi ja võitluse naiste valimisõiguse eest.

"" Valimised "oli 19. sajandil populaarne termin ja see tähendab hääleõigust," ütleb Lange. "Ameeriklased arutasid meeste, naiste ja mustade valimisõigust jne. Tänapäeval seostavad inimesed seda terminit sageli naiste hääleõiguse liikumisega."

19. muudatusettepanek võeti esmakordselt kasutusele kongressis 1878. aastal, kuid selle ratifitseerimiseks kulus rohkem kui 40 aastat organiseerimist, petitsioone, piketeerimist ja muudki. Aastakümnete jooksul on muudatusettepaneku vastuvõtmiseks kasutatud erinevaid strateegiaid. Mõned üritasid valimisõigusaktide vastuvõtmist igas osariigis. Taktika töötas teatud määral: 1912. aastaks võtsid üheksa lääneosariiki vastu naiste valimisõiguse.

Teised pooldajad pöördusid kohtusse, et vaidlustada ainult meestele hääletamise seadused ning mõned sufrašistid korraldasid paraade, näljastreike ja vaikivaid valveseisundeid ning osalesid nendes. Olenemata nende toetajate tegevustest, kogesid need naised peaaegu alati lugematuid verbaalse ja isegi füüsilise väärkohtlemise vorme.

1916. aastaks moodustasid peaaegu kõik suuremad valimisorganisatsioonid ühtse rinde põhiseaduse muudatuse vastuvõtmiseks. New York võttis 1917. aastal ametlikult vastu naiste valimisõiguse ja aasta hiljem muutis president Woodrow Wilson selles küsimuses oma esialgset seisukohta ja teatas muudatuse toetamisest.

Lõpuks, 21. mail 1919 võttis esindajatekoda muudatuse vastu ja senat järgnes sellele kaks nädalat hiljem. 1920. aastal sai Tennesseest 36. osariik, kes muudatuse ratifitseeris-kui kolm neljandikku osariikidest nõustusid, sai USA lõpuks uue poliitika ametlikult vastu võtta. 19. muudatusettepanek sätestab: "USA või ükski riik ei keela ega piira soo tõttu Ameerika Ühendriikide kodanike valimisõigust."

Kuid naised pidid ikkagi võitlema, et hääletada

Nii mõjus kui 19. parandus oli, ei lõpetanud see võitlust naiste poliitilise esindatuse eest. "Oluline on meeles pidada, et 19. muudatus ei andnud kõigile naistele valimisõigust," ütleb Lange. & quot; Paljude vaesemate ja värviliste naiste suhtes kehtisid endiselt küsitlusmaksud, kirjaoskuse testid ja muud piiravad seadused. Ameerika naised said küsitlustele suurema juurdepääsu muude seaduste kaudu, nagu 1924. aasta India kodakondsusseadus, Hiina väljaarvamise seaduse tühistamine 1943. aastal ja 1965. aasta hääleõigusseadus. Puerto Rico andis naistele hääle 1929. aastal. Niisiis, 19. muudatus avas võimalusi, kuid paljud naised pidid siiski hääle eest võitlema. & quot

Kui valimisliikumine ei lõpetanud seksismi ühiskonnas, jätsid selle osalejad ja juhid püsiva pärandi. "Minu uurimus uurib viise, kuidas naised kasutasid pilte, et veenda ameeriklasi naiste õigusi toetama," ütleb Lange. "Some of the women who did this most effectively were Sojourner Truth, Susan B. Anthony, Mary Church Terrell and Alice Paul. All of them challenged popular cartoons that mocked suffragists as manly monsters who threatened American values and gender roles."

Lange's research has turned up countless tales of how these women, in particular, upheld, strengthened and propelled the suffrage movement.

"In the 1860s, Sojourner Truth sold her portrait to support herself and emphasize that black women were respectable, hard-working people who deserved freedom from enslavement and rights," Lange says. In the 1870s and 1880s, Susan B. Anthony also became an icon of the movement, offering supporters an image of what female political leaders could look like.

"In the 1890s, Mary Church Terrell, first president of the National Association of Colored Women, responded by distributing her own images of highly educated, elegant black women to win respect for the reforms she sought."

Lang also says in the 1910s, Alice Paul used new image technology that allowed her to reproduce photos from the newspapers. She staged parades and the first-ever pickets of the White House to get attention and win support for the cause (see more in the sidebar below). These kinds of photos of women in such visible, political spaces proved to be very newsworthy, and convinced Americans of the suffragists' dedication to the cause.


ST. CLOUD WOMEN GOT THE VOTE 2 YEARS BEFORE 19TH AMENDMENT PASSED

Florida's elections season prompts a look back at St. Cloud's role in women's suffrage.

In late August 1920 ratification of the 19th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution granted women the right to vote nationwide. Forty-nine years later, the Florida Legislature ratified the amendment.

That doesn't mean Florida women did not get to vote during that long stretch.

The Florida Historical Society documents that women became voters in city elections as early as 1917 in Florence Villa, Moore Haven, Palm Beach and Pass-a-Grille.

Women's suffrage came to St. Cloud in 1918, writes Alma Hetherington in The River of the Long Water. She quotes from the Sept. 28, 1918, issue of the St. Cloud Tribune, the newspaper founded by the Union veterans who had started the city only a decade earlier.

The newspaper's banner headline read, "St. Cloud is proud this day to say: Our women have the vote."

The article added, "The amendment to the city charter of St. Cloud permitting women to vote was adopted by a vote of 179 to 82 in the city election held on Tuesday. . . . This will mean an additional list of voters totaling about 500."

Sparsely populated Wyoming was the first territory to allow women to vote, partly to gain enough "citizens" for statehood.

Historians say the women's suffrage movement started in the West and spread to the East, taking a longer time to gain acceptance in the South.

The women's suffrage movement began in Florida with Eleanor "Ella" McWilliams Chamberlain in Tampa. In 1893, Chamberlain began organizing women to demand the right to vote.

When she approached a weekly newspaper about writing a column, the editor of The Tampa Journal suggested she limited her topics to children and "women's interests."

She responded, "The world was not suffering for another cake recipe, and the children seemed to be getting along better than the women."

Instead, she used her column to lobby for women's rights. Eight men and a dozen women joined her in the Florida Woman Suffrage Association in 1893.

She represented Florida at a national women's rights convention in Washington, D.C., later that year and again in Atlanta in 1895, the same year she led a state convention in Tampa that drew 100 members.

Charlton W. Tebeau writes in A History of Florida that the movement "collapsed when she [Chamberlain] moved away in 1897 and remained dormant until 1912 when it was revived in Jacksonville" where women who owned land demanded the right to vote on sewer bonds.

They were denied the vote, but their demands drew statewide attention. The Legislature took notice, but not action.

Women took up the temperance movement and other social reforms in the early 1900s.

They would help win passage of Prohibition with the 18th Amendment in 1919.

Mary Mann Jennings, wife of William Jennings, Florida's governor from 1901 until 1905, lobbied Florida lawmakers in 1919 for the three-fifths vote necessary to give women the right to vote statewide.

She was the president of the Florida Federation of Women's Clubs and the most influential women in the state, but she could not win the vote.

Tennessee would be the 35th state to ratify the 19th Amendment, the last of the required three-quarters of the states needed.

With the adoption of national women's suffrage without Florida in 1920, the next session of the Legislature "saw no need to get on the bandwagon," Tebeau writes.

The first statewide election in which women could cast votes came in the fall of 1920. The men won landslide victories over women.

Eight years later, Florida voters elected the state's first woman to the state Legislature and Congress.

Edna Giles Fuller of Orlando won election to the state House of Representatives in 1928, and Ruth Bryan Owen of Miami won her race for the U.S. House of Representatives.

Florida lawmakers didn't get around to the token gesture of ratifying the 19th amendment until 1969.

St. Cloud in pictures. Bob Fisk, who has spent a great deal of his life assembling a collection of hundreds of old photographs of St. Cloud, worked with Jim Robison on a pictorial history book titled St. Cloud, which will be published in October as a fund-raiser for the St. Cloud Main Street to encourage restoration and promotion of downtown St. Cloud.


Nineteenth Amendment

Meie toimetajad vaatavad teie esitatud teabe üle ja otsustavad, kas artiklit muuta.

Nineteenth Amendment, amendment (1920) to the Constitution of the United States that officially extended the right to vote to women.

Opposition to woman suffrage in the United States predated the Constitutional Convention (1787), which drafted and adopted the Constitution. The prevailing view within society was that women should be precluded from holding office and voting—indeed, it was generally accepted (among men) that women should be protected from the evils of politics. Still, there was opposition to such patriarchal views from the beginning, as when Abigail Adams, wife of John Adams, asked her husband in 1776, as he went to the Continental Congress to adopt the Declaration of Independence, to “remember the ladies and be more generous and favourable to them than your ancestors.” In the scattered places where women could vote in some types of local elections, they began to lose this right in the late 18th century.

From the founding of the United States, women were almost universally excluded from voting and their voices largely suppressed from the political sphere. Beginning in the early 19th century, as women chafed at these restrictions, the movement for woman suffrage began and was tied in large part to agitation against slavery. In July 1848 in Seneca Falls, New York, then the hometown of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, the Seneca Falls Convention launched the women’s rights movement and also called for woman suffrage. The American Civil War (1861–65) resulted in the end of the institution of slavery, and in its aftermath many women abolitionists put on hold their desire for universal suffrage in favour of ensuring suffrage for newly freed male slaves.

Gradually throughout the second half of the 19th century, certain states and territories extended often limited voting rights to women. Wyoming Territory granted women the right to vote in all elections in 1869. But it soon became apparent that an amendment to the federal Constitution would be a preferable plan for suffragists. Two organizations were formed in 1869: the National Woman Suffrage Association, which sought to achieve a federal constitutional amendment that would secure the ballot for women and the American Woman Suffrage Association, which focused on obtaining amendments to that effect in the constitutions of the various states. The two organizations worked together closely and would merge in 1890.

In 1878 a constitutional amendment was introduced in Congress that would enshrine woman suffrage for all elections. It would be reintroduced in every Congress thereafter. In 1890 Wyoming became a state and thus also became the first state whose constitution guaranteed women the right to vote. Over the next decade several other states—all in the western part of the country—joined Wyoming. In 1912, when Theodore Roosevelt ran (unsuccessfully) as a third-party candidate for president, his party became the first national party to adopt a plank supporting a constitutional amendment.

In January 1918, with momentum clearly behind the suffragists—15 states had extended equal voting rights to women, and the amendment was formally supported by both parties and by the president, Woodrow Wilson—the amendment passed with the bare minimum two-thirds support in the House of Representatives, but it failed narrowly in the U.S. Senate. This galvanized the National Woman’s Party, which led a campaign seeking to oust senators who had voted against it.

A subsequent attempt to pass the amendment came in 1919, and this time it passed both chambers with the requisite two-thirds majority—304–89 in the House of Representatives on May 21, and 56–25 in the Senate on June 4. Although the amendment’s fate seemed in doubt, because of opposition throughout much of the South, on August 18, 1920, Tennessee—by one vote—became the 36th state to ratify the amendment, thereby ensuring its adoption. On August 26 the Nineteenth Amendment was proclaimed by the secretary of state as being part of the Constitution of the United States.

The full text of the amendment is:

The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.

Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.


The State Where Women Voted Long Before the 19th Amendment - HISTORY

1907-1930: We are a diverse nation, confronting our differences

January 1, 1919
Map: States grant women the right to vote

While seeking to amend the U.S. Constitution, the women’s suffrage movement also waged a state-by-state campaign. The territory of Wyoming was the first to give women the vote in 1869. Other western states and territories followed.

States granting women the right to vote prior to the 19th Amendment:

Wyoming 1890
Colorado 1893
Utah 1896
Idaho 1896
Washington 1910
California 1911
Arizona 1912
Kansas 1912
Oregon 1912
Montana 1914
Nevada 1914
New York 1917
Michigan 1918
Oklahoma 1918
South Dakota 1918

Full Voting Rights before 19th Amendment and before statehood

Territory of Wyoming 1869
Territory of Utah 1870
Territory of Washington 1883
Territory of Montana 1887
Territory of Alaska 1913

Could vote for President prior to the 19th Amendment

Illinois 1913
Nebraska 1917
Ohio 1917
Indiana 1917
North Dakota 1917
Rhode Island 1917
Iowa 1919
Maine 1919
Minnesota 1919
Missouri 1919
Tennessee 1919
Wisconsin 1919

Gained Voting Rights after the passage:

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19th AMENDMENT: First the West, then the rest of the nation

Editor’s note: In recognition of the 100th anniversary of the ratification of the 19th Amendment, author Chris Enss shared this excerpt with The Union from her new book “No Place for a Woman: The Struggle for Suffrage in the Wild West,” which is available at the Bookseller in downtown Grass Valley. Visit http://www.chrisenss.com for more information.

On Sept. 6, 1870, 70-year-old housewife Louisa Ann Swain pinned a clean apron over her gray serge dress and marched down the dirt streets of Laramie, Wyoming, to cast one of the first votes for her sex in America.

That momentous event was made possible by a number of women and men over the course of a 90-year period — starting with Abigail Adams. In March 1776, she implored her husband John Adams and other framers of the Constitution to “remember the ladies.”

Years before Mrs. Swain’s vote, the battle for woman suffrage was officially being discussed in Seneca Falls, New York, in 1848, at the first women’s right convention. It was a time when women were legally recognized as little more than chattel. Social activist Elizabeth Cady Stanton, one of the speakers at the convention, made a bold prediction: “The right (of suffrage) is ours. Have it we must. Use it we will. The pens, the tongues, the fortunes, the indomitable wills of many women are pledged to secure this right. The great truth that no just government can be formed without the consent of the governed, we shall echo and re-echo in the ears of the unjust judge, until by continual coming we shall weary him.”

Although the women in New York were organized and determined, no one could have foreseen that the greatest strides in the suffrage movement would not be realized east of the Hudson River, but west of the Mississippi. And before any progress could be made out West, women had to make that rugged journey over the plains to the new frontier.

Starting in the 1830s, and reaching a peak between 1846 and the end of the Civil War, the Oregon Trail served as a pathway for nearly half a million emigrants who set off to the West to form new communities and societies from their individual stakes as farmers, settlers, ranchers, and miners. Most of the emigrants were men, but there were a few women who tackled the overland journey bent on mining or homesteading on their own. Men could make the journey alone as drovers for the large wagon trains or with a plan to mine, strike it rich, and return to their homes in the east.

Women traveled west as part of families and on their own to seek new opportunities. The experience of crossing the plains changed many of them — and helped demonstrate their grit, even as they held onto their identities as the protectors of family and morality. In their new homes, women took on public roles due to economic necessity and the needs of the community. They earned more authority, and combined with their perceived moral directive, they began to influence politics individually and pragmatically.

Women found plenty of opportunities in the West that were not available in the East: everything from the right to vote to equal pay for women teachers to more liberal divorce laws. Wyoming Territory passed a series of such laws in 1869, partly in an effort to attract more settlers. Thus, the West was the first home of women’s suffrage in the U.S., with nearly every western state or territory enfranchising women long before women won the right to vote in eastern states. Before the 19th Amendment, the amendment granting women the right to vote, was passed in 1920, almost every western state had already given women statewide suffrage. Four western states, Wyoming, Utah, Colorado, and Idaho had granted it before 1900.

The fight for woman suffrage in the West wasn’t a new, separate movement, distinct from the efforts in the East. But the fight proceeded with a sense of inevitability in the newly minted territories. The ideologies and reforming zeal that spread from the Great Awakening, to the fiery rhetoric of the abolitionist movement, to the emerging natural ally of the woman’s movement — the temperance movement — weren’t abandoned in the West. But those ideologies were tempered by circumstance and taken up by women who were part of the Cult of True Womanhood, but who had earned their reputation for Grit on the Overland Trail and as part of the new frontier. The women who agitated for their rights were sure of their worth — and aware of their power in the new communities springing up around gold strikes and homestead stakes. And they used the tools at their disposal to influence the outcome. They knew that their power came from the fact that they were women, not in spite of it.

The fight for woman suffrage across the country waged on.

Between Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson and all those doughboys heading off to fight in World War I, women demanded to be seen as full citizens of the United States. Some historians refer to the years between 1890 and 1920 as the women’s era because it was in that time when women started to have greater economic and political opportunities. Women were also aided by legal changes like getting the right to own property, control their wages and make contracts and wills. By 1900, almost 5 million women throughout the nation worked for wages, mainly in domestic service or light manufacturing like the garment industry.

American women in every part of the country were active as reformers and those reform movements brought women into state and national politics before the dawn of the progressive era. Unfortunately, one of their greatest achievements, prohibition, was a detriment to the cause.

‘A WIDER FREEDOM IS COMING’

Women’s greatest influence came through their membership and leadership in the Women’s Christian Temperance Union. The WCTU was founded in 1874 and by 1890 had 150,000 members making it the largest female organization in the United States. Under the leadership of Frances Willard, the WCTU embraced a large reform agenda including pushing for the right for women to vote. The feeling was that the best way to stop people from drinking was to pass local laws that made it harder to drink, and to do that it would be very helpful if women could vote — because American men were alcoholic scoundrels who darn well were not going to vote to get rid of beer. Consequently, men were reluctant to give women the right to vote for fear of losing the pleasure of drinking.

Being deprived of alcoholic beverages wasn’t the only objection men had to denying women the right to vote, opposition to woman suffrage ran a wide gamut. There were those who believed that voting would damage women’s health and those who turned the argument that women would vote as their husbands did, arguing that women didn’t need to vote when they had a male protector to do it for them.

In 1895, Willard boldly declared, “A wider freedom is coming to the women of America. Too long has it been held that woman has no right to enter these movements … politics is the place for woman.” The movement Willard referred to continued to spread in the West. Overland pioneers like Abigail Scott Duniway, who was one of the leaders of the Suffrage Movement in Idaho, quickly became part of the movement to extend votes for women in the region. She organized many campaigns and protests until a bill was passed in 1896 that allowed women the right to vote in Idaho, and a year later, Duniway was the first woman to register to vote in Idaho. In addition to advocating for women’s rights in her own state, Duniway was instrumental in establishing Oregon’s Equal Suffrage Proclamation.

Women also protested to gain the right to vote in Colorado. Suffragists established the Colorado Non-Partisan Equal Suffrage Association and approached women’s organizations, churches, political parties and charity groups to gain allies for their cause. And after agitating nonstop from 1877 on, the Women’s Suffrage Referendum passed on Nov. 7, 1893. The following year, Colorado became the first state to have elected female legislators.

Martha Hughes Cannon, the first woman elected to the Utah state senate — in 1896 — was a polygamist wife, a practicing physician, and an astute and pioneering politician. Her husband was the Republican candidate. She, a Democrat, defeated him in that historic election.

And in 1916, four years before she would be legally allowed to vote in an election, Montana’s Jeannette Rankin was sent to Washington D.C., as a member of the U.S. House of Representatives from Montana. Four years later, in 1920, Nellie Taloe Ross would be elected governor of Wyoming.

The passage and ratification of the 19th Amendment was a significant event in American history and it’s also a recent event. When my grandmother was born women could not vote in the United States. Women’s long fight to gain the right to vote ended with the ratification of the 19th Amendment on Aug. 18, 1920. The suffrage wind had blown from west to east. The West had made it possible for the world to see what it meant for women to have the right to vote. It had been extremely persuasive in convincing other states and Congress as to the value of women voting.

Women’s suffrage associations across the country congratulated one another on the victory and promised to continue the fight towards equal rights in other areas. On Aug. 26, 1920, Carrie Chapman Catt, one of the movement’s key leaders, summed up the importance of the conquest best, “The vote is won. Seventy-two years the battle for this privilege has been waged, but human affairs with their eternal change move on without pause. Progress is calling to you to make no pause. Act!”

Chris Enss, who lives in Grass Valley, is an author and screenwriter. She has written more than 20 books on the subject of women in the Old West.


Why Do We Blame Women For Prohibition?

One hundred years later, it’s time to challenge a long-held bias.

Mark Lawrence Schrad is assistant professor of political science at Villanova University and author of the new book Vodka Politics: Alcohol, Autocracy, and the Secret History of the Russian State.

One hundred years ago this month—on January 16, 1919—the 18th Amendment was ratified, enshrining alcohol prohibition in the U.S. Constitution. And for the past hundred years, we’ve largely blamed women for that. Miks?

With the obvious exception of the women’s rights movement—from suffragism to #MeToo—perhaps no other social movement in American history is as synonymous with women as temperance, and none is as vilified. Histories dismiss prohibition derisively as a “pseudo-reform . carried about America by the rural-evangelical virus,” and a “wrongheaded social policy waged by puritanical zealots of a bygone Victorian era.” We describe prohibitionists in the same way we talk about Al Qaeda or ISIS: They were “ruthless” “extremists,” “deeply antidemocratic” “fanatics and fools,” who posed a “threat to individual freedoms.” These evildoers are almost universally understood to be women.

The standard trope back in the 1920s, when prohibition was in full force, was that the policy was “put over while the boys were away” fighting World War I—if only the men had been home, prohibition would have been avoided. Surprisingly, this gendered conspiracy theory has endured, despite being completely unfounded. There was no popular referendum on 18th Amendment, and most women couldn’t vote anyway since, chronologically, the 18th Amendment came before the suffragist 19th Amendment. (A handful of western states granted women full voting rights before the 19th Amendment.) The only woman who voted for the 18th Amendment was Jeannette Rankin of Montana, the country’s first—and at that time, only—congresswoman. In 1918, hers was but one of the bipartisan supermajority of 282 yeas (to 128 nays) in the House that passed the prohibition amendment. In the all-male Senate, the vote to submit the amendment to the states for ratification was even more lopsided: 65-20.

In January 1919, the 18th Amendment was the first order of business for many state legislatures elected in the 1918 midterms. With unprecedented speed, 46 of the 48 states voted for prohibition, in some cases unanimously. With 80.5 percent of state legislators in favor (5,033 to 1,219), support for prohibition was even greater at the state level, where 99.8 percent of representatives were men.

Well, if not the vote—one might protest—then surely the temperance movement itself was women’s work? Think of the Women’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU)—or one of its greatest celebrities, Carrie A. Nation. She famously led bands of women into Kansas saloons, smashing them with hatchets, singing Bible hymns and quoting scripture! As her celebrity rose, she even trademarked the name “Carry,” in order to coin the phrase “Carry A. Nation for prohibition.”

Anecdotally, I’ve long asked colleagues, students and historians: “Who’s the most famous prohibitionist?” The answer is Carrie Nation, every time. Little wonder: Today, she plays a starring role in virtually every temperance history, features prominently in Ken Burns’ documentary “Prohibition” and was the first personality you’d meet at the prohibition exhibition at the National Constitution Center. Carrie Nation embodies everything we think we know about prohibitionists: a scorned, white, protestant, evangelical, Midwestern woman. She was imposing in stature, prone to violence and—claiming God spoke to her, urging her to attack saloons—slightly unhinged. In sum: the perfect Maleficent for American historians.

The only problem is that Carrie Nation died in 1911, almost a full decade before the 18th Amendment was ratified. So why do we blame her for something that happened years after her death, while exonerating those directly responsible for prohibition? Why do we remember Carrie Nation, but forget the “father of prohibition” Neal Dow? Or Anti-Saloon League “dry boss” Wayne Wheeler, who in 1922 was described as “the man who is as much or more than any other single person, directly responsible for the able leadership bringing prohibition”? Or Andrew Volstead, the man whose name is on the prohibition-enforcement act? Based on Google’s Ngram dataset of over 500 billion words from some 15 million digitized books, we can chart the notoriety of individuals over time. The data suggests that, since prohibition’s repeal in 1933, the men responsible for prohibition have begun largely to vanish from history, while the image of Carrie Nation endures.

The Forgotten Prohibitionists
Yearly frequency of names mentioned in Google’s corpus of digitized books, 1900-2000.

If you asked me, I would say progressive stalwart William Jennings Bryan was the most famous American prohibitionist. He fought vehemently against the liquor traffic where rich capitalists got richer by getting workers addicted to booze. “The Great Commoner” had far more political clout than Carrie Nation. Or consider Frederick Douglass—perhaps the most famous orator of the 19th century, back when abolitionism was virtually synonymous with temperance. On his temperance tour of Britain in 1845, Douglass, who, like Nation, died well before nationwide prohibition was passed, claimed, “If we could but make the world sober, we would have no slavery. Mankind has been drunk.” In his autobiographical Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass: American Slave, he explained that keeping slaves stupefied with liquor was “the most effective means in the hands of the slaveholder in keeping down the spirit of insurrection” on the plantations.

Such details largely disappear from contemporary biographies, perhaps because they don’t fit our image of temperance as an angry, white, female, Bible-thumping crusade against individual liberty. While their political legacies are obviously variegated, Frederick Douglass, William Jennings Bryan and Carrie Nation all held the exact same positions on abolition, suffragism and prohibition. Yet even the titles of their biographies belie their differential treatment by historians: Frederick Douglass: Prophet of Freedom. William Jennings Bryan: A Godly Hero, or Champion of Democracy. And Carrie Nation? Vessel of Wrath. Historians give William and Fredrick a free pass for their role in prohibition along with Neal, Wayne and Andrew we’re told that Carrie is the real villain.

So, why do we blame women for prohibition? Misogyny is the easy answer but more fundamentally, we need to better understand not just who the prohibitionists were, but what motivated them in the first place. Perhaps they weren’t the “deeply antidemocratic” monsters that we now make them out to be.

Contrary to popular description, prohibitionists weren’t hellbent on taking away the individual’s “right to drink.” From its very inception, the temperance movement targeted not the drink, or the drinker, but the drink seller. Just as abolitionists objected to the slave trader who profited from subjugating others, prohibitionists aimed at a predatory liquor traffic of wealthy capitalists and saloonkeepers who—together with a state that, before the income tax, relied disproportionately on liquor revenues—got rich from the drunken misery of the poor. The 18th Amendment doesn’t even outlaw alcohol or drinking. It prohibits the “manufacture, sale, or transportation of intoxicating liquors.” This wasn’t some oversight the target was the traffic, not the booze.

Prohibitionists were very clear about this. The 18th Amendment was very clear, too. That we have a hard time believing it today—scoffing that outlawing booze or booze sales has the same practical outcome of restricting the rights of the individual—says more about our changing understandings of liberty than theirs. It is only in more recent generations (with the rise of Hayekian neoliberalism after World War II) that any interference with the free market is deemed a constraint on our citizenship rights. For most of American history, political liberty and economic liberty were understood to be distinct from each other. There is no “right to buy” anywhere in the constitution.

Ultimately, we need to stop vilifying prohibitionists as “antidemocratic” simply because our understanding of liberty has changed. In fact, prohibitionists championed the right of self-determination, and the right of the community to defend itself against extortionate businesses and government corruption. Prohibitionists encouraged grassroots power—especially for communities, counties and states to vote themselves dry at the ballot box. Such Jeffersonian commitments made prohibitionists natural allies of abolitionists and suffragists from the very beginning. (Prohibitionists who cheered the 18th Amendment’s ratification in 1919 also cheered when the 19th Amendment gave women the vote the following year.) At its core, prohibition was a populist attack against predatory capitalism and its corrupt ties to government power.

It was no fluke that the ultimate victory of prohibition came at the high point of the Progressive Era: like other reforms of its day, prohibition was fundamentally progressive. Prohibition protected consumers from unscrupulous sellers of potentially dangerous substances, just like the progressive Pure Food and Drug Act, and Federal Meat Inspection Acts of 1906. Prohibition targeted the corrupting power of big business, just like the Federal Trade Commission Act and Clayton Anti-Trust Acts of 1914.

Moralizing Bible-thumpers like Carrie Nation were only one part of a broad prohibitionist coalition. Focusing only on activists like her, though, produces a wildly incomplete picture, which our brains try to make whole by filling in the gaps with deeply rooted—and misogynist—social biases.

Centennials are a time for reassessment—and since prohibition’s centennial comes in the #MeToo era, it is high time to unpack our highly gendered received wisdom.


Mississippi Didn't Ratify the 19th Amendment Until 1984. Here's Why Some States Waited Decades

W hen Tennessee ratified the 19th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution on Aug. 18, 1920, that was enough: as the 36th state to approve the amendment, the Volunteer State made sure the U.S. Constitution would enshrine into law “the right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any state on account of sex.&rdquo

And while this summer’s centennial is remembered as a landmark moment in history for American women, 1920 only tells part of the story. The ratification did not mean that all American women gained the constitutional right to vote immediately in 1920 numerous barriers to voting remained for several communities, including Black women, Native American and Indigenous women, Asian American women and Latinx women. African American women and men’s voting rights would not be incorporated into the country’s law until Voting Rights Act of 1965.

And on a more symbolic level, some states did not ratify the amendment until as recently as the 1970s and 1980s. That delay did not affect women’s right to vote, but it did send a message about just how controversial such an idea was.

Several states reacted actively rejected the Amendment in 1919 and 1920. Eleven states ratified it after it had already been certified in 1920&mdashbut not all at once. It would be fifty years before South Carolina, Georgia and Louisiana would do so, with Mississippi becoming the last to join in 1984. From state to state, several factors were at play. In Virginia, which ratified in 1952, the Virginia Association Opposed to Woman’s Suffrage distributed pamphlets that argued that the vote would actually have a negative impact on the every day lives of women, that it was the “vanguard of socialism” and that it would undermine the role of husbands in the family. Similarly in Alabama, which ratified in 1953, the Women&rsquos Anti-Ratification League put forward the idea that Alabama women should be more concerned about raising families than participation in civic life, and in Florida, which ratified in 1969, opposition from newspapers and politicians to suffrage was fierce.

In some states, opposition during the suffrage campaigns of the 1910s was founded on the fear that if the 19th Amendment were ratified, it would also mean that the federal government would then enforce the 14th and 15th Amendments, requiring the states to allow Black men to vote. It was also seen as interference in the states’ rights to decide on who could vote and who could not. In February 1920, Mississippi’s legislature rejected the ratification of the 19th, and was one of two states in the country, alongside Georgia, which argued that women had missed the registration cut-off, that still did not allow women to vote in the November 1920 election.

“The biggest lesson for me from the suffrage movement is that you need to fight to win the war, not the battle,” says Sally Roesch Wagner, historian, author and editor of The Women’s Suffrage Movement anthology.

There is some irony in Southern resistance of suffrage. As Wagner points out, the white suffragists who were the fact of the movement in 1920 had devoted much of their energy to winning over the votes of Southern states, including those that initially refused to ratify. In doing so, they “sold out the movement,” she says, by “using racism as organizational policy.”

When states ratified the 19th amendment well after 1920 it was more of a ceremonial gesture, but one that still did carry great symbolism.

It was an all-male Senate that voted on Mississippi’s ratification of the 19th amendment in 1984, in what was called a “housekeeping measure.” Yet it was introduced by two female state representatives Frances Savage of Brandon and Margaret Tate of Picayune. On its ratification, Savage suggested that the reason for the delay was that it was simply not a priority during the years of the Depression, World War II and the civil rights movement of the 1960s. But by then, it had once again risen to the top: As historian Marjorie Julian Spruill writes, when Mississippi was debating the proposed Equal Rights Amendment in the 1970s, “many Mississippians regarded the state’s failure to ratify the Nineteenth Amendment as an embarrassment,” especially as North Carolina became the penultimate state to ratify the Amendment in 1971.

On the day it was ratified in Mississippi, on March 22, 1984, Savage said that the action “reaffirms the right of women to participate in government in Mississippi.” Others were more surprised that the state had taken this long overdue step, given that women in Mississippi had already been voting for a long time. Newspapers reported that Jan Lewis, the state director of the ACLU at the time “burst into laughter when told the news” and said “well, the state seems to find itself a day late and a dollar short.”

Historian Martha S. Jones, author of the forthcoming book Vanguard: How Black Women Broke Barriers, Won the Vote, and Insisted on Equality for All., points to the later ratifications as reflective of states’ changing electorates and demographics. And the 19th Amendment was not alone: notably, the 13th and 15th Amendments, which banned slavery and gave Black Americans the right to vote in the wake of the Civil War, were also formally ratified by several states in the 1960s and 󈨊s, well after they had been added to the Constitution.

“It’s deeply symbolic because even the late ratifications are manifestations of the ways in which the allocation of political power has shifted in an individual state,” Jones says. “Black lawmakers, women lawmakers [and] Black women lawmakers are key to these shifts and it is a way of signaling their rise to political power.”

But while these late ratifications may be surprising, they actually fit right in with one of Jones’ primary arguments about the history of suffrage: that the ratification of the 19th Amendment was more of a touchstone in a series of decades-long struggles for marginalized communities, rather than the cornerstone event in achieving women’s suffrage.

For many Americans, that longer struggle stretched well beyond 1920 in ways that were not just symbolic. African American women and men alike continued to face Jim Crow laws, voter intimidation and suppression, lynching, discriminatory literacy tests and other barriers to voting across the country, particularly in those Southern states. Similarly, Wagner’s research on the Haudenoshaunee women of the Iroquois confederacy highlights how Indigenous women’s longstanding political power and voice within their communities influenced the thinking of white suffragists like Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Alice Cunningham Fletcher, even as Native American women were unable to vote until Congress passed the Indian Citizenship Act in 1924. For Asian American women too, 1920 did not bring immediate change. In 1912, the New York Times described Chinese-American suffrage activist Mabel Ping-Hua Lee as “the symbol of a new era, when all women will be free and unhampered.” But it wouldn’t be until 1943 that Chinese Americans were first permitted to become citizens, and until 1952 that the McCarran-Walter Act granted all people of Asian ancestry the right to become citizens, and therefore to vote.

And that story still continues. The current Congress is the body’s most racially and ethnically diverse, with a record number of women representatives, and yet the fight for all Americans to be able to vote continues today&mdashwhether or not all states have ratified the 19th Amendment.


Amendment added to U.S. Constitution

The Nineteenth Amendment was at last added to the Constitution, however, in August 1920 after Tennessee became the 36th and final state to ratify. It had taken almost 75 years for suffragists to achieve this victory.

The final indication of Mississippi's negative response to the Nineteenth Amendment was that the state was one of only two in the nation that did not allow women to vote in the November 1920 election. Instead, an all-male electorate voted on a state constitutional amendment for woman suffrage that received more yes than no votes, but not the majority of all votes cast. Therefore, the amendment failed. Suffragists had not bothered to campaign for it since they were enfranchised by national law and the state law would not matter. Nevertheless, it was still very disappointing to them that Mississippi, their home state, had not approved woman suffrage. Yet, a mere two years later, in one of the many ironies in Mississippi history, the state's two leading suffragists, Somerville and Kearney, were elected to the state legislature.

By the 1970s, when Mississippi was debating the proposed Equal Rights Amendment, many Mississippians regarded the state's failure to ratify the Nineteenth Amendment as an embarrassment as Mississippi was the only state that had never done so. Thus, on March 22, 1984, the Mississippi Legislature — on a day when few legislators were even listening and with no opposition — finally ratified the Nineteenth Amendment.

Marjorie Julian Spruill, Ph.D., is associate vice chancellor for institutional planning and research professor of history at Vanderbilt University. Previously she was professor of history at the University of Southern Mississippi. She is the author of New Women of the New South: The Leaders of the Woman Suffrage Movement in the Southern States, Oxford University Press, 1993. She has edited three books: One Woman, One Vote: Rediscovering the Woman Suffrage Movement, NewSage Press, 1995, Votes for Women! The Woman Suffrage Movement in Tennessee, the South, and the Nation, University of Tennessee Press, 1995, and a new edition of Mary Johnston’s 1913 pro-suffrage novel, Hagar, University Press of Virginia, 1994.

Jesse Spruill Wheeler, her son, studied Mississippi history while in the ninth grade during the 2000-2001 school year.


Vaata videot: Enmienda 19: El Derecho de Votar de las Mujeres


Kommentaarid:

  1. Yokora

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  2. Rashid

    väga kasulik teema

  3. Kabei

    Ma tean, tänan palju selgituse eest.



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