Wyomingi territooriumil tapetakse Hiina kaevurid

Wyomingi territooriumil tapetakse Hiina kaevurid


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2. septembril 1885 ründavad 150 valget kaevurit Wyomingi osariigis Rock Springsis jõhkralt oma Hiina töökaaslasi, tappes 28, haavates 15 inimest ja ajades veel mitusada linnast välja.

Liidu Vaikse ookeani söekaevanduses töötavad kaevurid olid aastaid hädas ametiühingutega liitumise ja paremate töötingimuste nimel. Kuid igal hetkel oli võimas raudteefirma neid edestanud. Patuoina otsides süüdistasid vihased kaevurid hiinlasi. Hiina söekaevurid olid kõvad tegijad, kuid Union Pacific oli algselt paljud neist Rock Springsisse streigimurdjatena toonud ja nad ei näidanud kaevurite ametiühingu vastu vähe huvi.

Olles nördinud ettevõtte otsusest lubada Hiina kaevuritel rikkamaid söeõmblusi teha, otsustas valgete kaevurite hulk impulsiivselt lüüa tagasi, rünnates Rock Spring'i väikest Hiina linna. Kui nad nägid relvastatud rahvahulka lähenemas, hülgas enamik hiinlasi oma kodud ja ettevõtted ning põgenes mägede poole. Kuid neid, kellel ei õnnestunud õigel ajal põgeneda, peksti jõhkralt ja mõrvati. Nädal hiljem, 9. septembril, saatsid USA väed ellujäänud hiinlased tagasi linna, kus paljud neist naasid tööle. Lõpuks vallandas Vaikse ookeani Liit 45 valget kaevurit nende rollide eest veresaunas, kuid ühegi osaleja vastu ei võetud kunagi tõhusaid õiguslikke meetmeid.

Rock Springsi veresaun oli sümptomaatiline Hiina-vastaste tunnete suhtes, mida sel ajal jagasid paljud ameeriklased. Hiinlased olid olnud eelarvamuste ja vägivalla ohvrid sellest ajast peale, kui nad XIX sajandi keskpaigas esimest korda läände tulid, nälja ja poliitiliste murrangute eest põgenedes. Hiinlasi, keda süüdistati laialdaselt igasugustes sotsiaalsetes hädades, valisid rünnaku eest välja ka mõned riiklikud poliitikud, kes populariseerisid teravaid loosungeid nagu “The Chinese Must Go” ja aitasid vastu võtta 1882. aasta seaduse, mis sulges USA edasise Hiina sisserände eest. Selles rassilise vihkamise õhkkonnas muutusid vägivaldsed rünnakud hiinlaste vastu läänes liiga tavaliseks, kuigi Rock Springsi veresaun oli märkimisväärne nii oma suuruse kui ka metsiku jõhkruse poolest.

LOE LISAKS: Kontinentidevahelise raudtee ehitamine: kuidas 20 000 Hiina sisserändajat selle juhtus


HIINA MASSAK.

ROCK SPRINGS, Wyoming, 4. september. - Pilk kolmapäevasele lahinguväljale näitab tõsiasja, et paljud põgenevaid Hiinlasi tulistanud kuulid leidsid oma jälje. Hiinalinna seistes leegitsevatel sütel lebades leiti kümme söestunud ja vormitu tüve, mis tekitasid mürarikka haisu, samas kui teine, mille poisid olid ilmselt tuhast välja tirinud, leiti läheduses asuvast salveiharjast. Läbiotsimise tulemusel leiti veel viie hiinlase surnukehad, kes tapeti püssipaugust tagaajajate eest põgenedes. Kõik pandi männikirstudesse ja maeti eile pärastlõunal. Umbes kuus või kaheksa inimest leiti raskelt haavatuna ja nende eest hoolitsesid raudteeametnikud. Koroneri žürii on teinud otsuse, mille kohaselt surid mehed tundmatute osapoolte käe läbi. Raudteeliinist pärinevad teated väidavad, et hiinlased on saabunud väikestesse jaamadesse siit ida ja lääne poole ning väidetakse, et kolmapäeva rünnakus sai suur hulk põgenikke haavata ja paljud on hukkunud mägedes. Kardetakse, et leitakse, et vähemalt 50 inimest kaotas elu, kui kõik tulud on käes. See häda on kestnud kuid. Kaevandusi juhtivad töövõtjad on Hiinast suures koguses importinud ja valgeid mehi välja lasknud, kuni üle 600 taevalapsed tööle asusid. Väidetavalt on kaevandusbossid eelistanud hiinlasi valgete kaevurite kahjuks ja see vajas leekide süütamiseks vaid sädet. Selle sisustas tüli taevalaste partei vahel

ja valged kaevanduses nr 6 oma õiguse üle töötada teatud kambris. Järgnes kaklus ja hiinlased said hullemaks, neist neli said raskelt haavata, kellest üks on vahepeal surnud. Seejärel tulid valged kaevurid välja, relvastasid end tulirelvadega ja teatasid ülejäänud kolme kaevanduse meestele pärastlõunal. Vahepeal oli Hiinalinnas kõik põnev. Lipp heisati hoiatuseks ja laagri eri osades töötavad hiinlased põgenesid oma eluruumidesse. Pärast õhtusööki suleti salongid ja alkoholi pole sellest ajast saadik müüdud. Kaevurid kogunesid eesmistele tänavatele, neist umbes 100 relvastatud relvade, revolvrite, luukide ja nugadega ning suundusid Hiinalinna poole. Enne sinna jõudmist saatsid nad kolmeliikmelise komitee, kes hoiatas hiinlasi tunni aja pärast lahkuma. Nad nõustusid seda tegema ja hakkasid asju pakkima, kuid umbes poole tunni pärast muutusid valged mehed kannatamatuks ja jõudsid Hiina kvartalite poole, karjudes ja tulistades relvi õhku. Ilma vastupanu pakkumata põgenesid hiinlased kõigega, mida suutsid. Nad põgenesid linnast umbes miili ida pool asuvate mägede poole, kaevurid tulistasid neid põgenedes. Seejärel süütasid kaevurid osa maju põlema ja peagi oli kaheksa -kümme suurimat maja leekides. Tulest ja suitsust pooleldi lämbudes tuli põlevatelt hoonetelt kohale hulganisti hiinlasi ning, tekkide ja tekkidega pea kohal, et end hulkuvate vintpüsside eest kaitsta, järgisid nad oma taanduvaid vendi kiiruse tipus mägedesse. Järgmisena külastati linna pesumaja ja solvavad kinnipeetavad lasti maha. Kõik raudtee söeosakonna töötajad said käsu linnast lahkuda, mida nad tegid õhtusel rongil. Öösel põletati kõik linna hiina majad, kokku ligi 50, maani maha. Hiinlased, kes end varjasid, põgenesid põlevate hoonete eest. Kuuldavasti tuleb laagris olevad mormoonide kaevurid välja tellida, kuid selles suunas pole veel midagi ette võetud. Siinsed kaevurid on ristisõjas täiesti organiseerimata ja kuigi suur osa neist on töörüütlid, ei tehtud sammu nende juhtimisel. Kaevurid pole pärast mässu tööd teinud. Äri on peaaegu täielikult peatatud ja kõik on vaikne.

WASHINGTON, 4. september.-Wyomingi territooriumi kuberner Warren saatis täna telegraafi Washingtoni presidendile ja sõjasekretärile, paludes föderaalvägede abi Wyomingi territooriumil Rock Springsis tekkinud rahutuste mahasurumisel. Hiina kaevurite veresaun [sic].

CHEYENNE Wyoming, 4. september. - Rock Springsist välja aetud hiinlasi korjavad järk -järgult üles läände suunduvad rongid ja viivad nad Evanstoni, kus elab 1000 hiinlast. Need Evanstoni Hiina elanikud valmistuvad end kaitsma ning ostavad turult kõiki relvi ja laskemoona.

VALGED KAIVURID KAVATUD Hiinast välja sõita.

CHEYENNE, Wyoming, 5. september. - Eripakkumine Rock Springsist kuni Juht annab uusimat teavet, mida saab hiljutiste Hiina-vastaste hädade stseenist. Täna on kõik vaikne ja kaevurid on tööle naasnud. Eile õhtul peetud koosolekul võeti meetmeid, et lõpetada hiinlaste väljasaatmist tähistanud nende hulga purjuspäi karuteene. Täna leiti veel kaks surnud taevast, üks Hiinalinna varemetest ja teine ​​raudteesilla alt umbes miil kohast ida pool. Viimane oli haavatud ja jõudis enne loobumist nii kaugele kõndida. Hiinalinna rünnakus aktiivselt osalenud kaevurite sõnul on seni leitud vähem kui kolmandik hukkunud hiinlastest majade varemetes. Nad teatavad, et põlenud hoonetes tulistati alla vähemalt 25 inimest. Nendel hoonetel oli mustuskatus, mis kattis surnud Hiinlased, kui eluruumid leekidesse langesid, ning varemetest pole tegelikke otsinguid tehtud. On üsna tõenäoline, et kaevurite väited vastavad tõele. Hiinlased jõuavad endiselt ida- ja läänejaamadesse, hirmust peaaegu surnud ning väsimusest ja toidupuudusest nõrgad. Kõik saadab ettevõte Evanstoni. Nad kordavad väidet, et paljud on mägedes surnud nende rünnakus saadud haavadesse. Teatatakse, et territooriumi läänepoolses otsas Almy valged kaevurid on teatanud kaevandustes viibivatele Hiina töölistele, et nad peavad kolme päeva jooksul lahkuma ning väidetavalt on Union Pacific Company taganud nende kõrvaldamise aja jooksul. täpsustatud. Tee ääres olevad taevainimesed keeldusid täna töötamast ja nõudsid pääsmeid Evanstoni. Green Riveri Hiina pesumeestele ja teenijatele öeldi eile õhtul, et nad peavad lahkuma 12 tunni jooksul ja nad suunduvad tänase ekspressiga läände.


Rock Springsi veresaun

2. septembril 1885 ründasid Wyomingi territooriumil Rock Springsis valgesöe kaevurid Hiinalinna, linnaosa, kus elasid Hiina söekaevurid. Kuigi sajad hiinlased põgenesid, tapsid valged märatsejad maju ja kauplusi põletades ja rüüstades 28 inimest. Kõik kaevurid töötasid Union Pacific Railroadile kuuluvates kaevandustes.

Mis ajendas valgeid kaevureid sellist vägivalda toime panema? Mida, kui üldse, olid hiinlased teinud nende vihastamiseks?

Hiinlased olid Ameerikas olnud vähemalt alates 1849. aasta California kullapalavikust. Nad nõustusid madalamate palkadega võrreldes valgete kaevurite vastuvõtuga. See alandas palku kõigil ja valged töötajad panid seda pahaks. 1870. aastate alguses ähvardasid San Franciscos ja Los Angeleses valged töötajad Hiina töötajaid ning Los Angeleses tapsid valged inimesed 23 Hiina töölist. Mõrvaritele ei esitatud kunagi süüdistusi.

Kontinentidevahelise raudtee ehitamise ajal töötas suur hulk Hiina töölisi Vaikse ookeani keskraudtee heaks, ehitades selle Californiasse ida suunas, et jõuda 1869. aastal Utahis asuva Vaikse ookeani piirkonna rööbasteeni. Hiljem töötasid paljud Wyomingi hiinlased Liidu Vaikse ookeani kaevandused raudteelinnades nagu Rock Springs, Evanston jt. 1870ndatel põhjustasid Wyomingi valgete kaevurite streigid ettevõtte juurde rohkem Hiina kaevureid, mis ainult suurendas valgete kaevurite pahameelt, kuna ettevõte mängis erinevaid kaevurite rühmi üksteise vastu.

Rünnaku päeval 1885. aastal sai Sweetwateri maakonna šerif vägivallast teada umbes tund pärast selle algust. Ta sõitis erirongiga Rock Springsisse, kuid ei leidnud kedagi, kes temaga ühineks.

Territoriaalkuberner Francis E. Warren sõitis Rock Springsisse. Et näidata, et ta ei karda, ja aidata rahustada valgeid kaevureid, lahkus ta mitu korda oma raudteevagunist ja tegi etenduse depooplatvormil edasi -tagasi kõndimisest.

Warren saatis telegraafi ka president Grover Clevelandile, paludes vägedel korda taastada, kuna Wyomingil puudus territoriaalne miilits. Tema ettepanekul saatis ettevõte aeglase rongi 15 miili kaugusel Rock Springsist Green Riverisse, et päästa laiali läinud hiinlased ning anda neile süüa, vett ja tekke. Vahepeal muutus Uinta maakonna šerif Evanstonis närviliseks ka oma piirkonna olukorra pärast. Warren ei saanud teha muud, kui sõita Evanstoni, et asju rahustada.

Selleks ajaks oli enamik hiinlasi innukas Wyomingist välja saama, enamik Rock Springsist oli pärast vägivalda Evanstoni sattunud. Nende juht Ah Say palus Union Pacificult raudteepileteid ja kahe kuu tagasimakse eest, mille ettevõte neile võlgnes. Ettevõte lükkas mõlemad taotlused tagasi.

Ligi nädal pärast tapmist saabusid väed Rock Springsisse ja Evanstoni. Kompanii valvurid saatsid umbes 600 hiinlast, seejärel Evanstonis, väidetavalt San Francisco poole suunduvatesse vagunitesse. See ei olnud tõsi, et rong aurus Rock Springsisse, taga olid autos Warren ja ettevõtte tippametnikud.

Tagasi Rock Springsis keeldus ettevõte endiselt hiinlastelt Californiasse minekust või tagasimaksmisest. Valged kaevurid jätkasid nende kiusamist. Ettevõte keeldus neile toitu müümast, ähvardas nad oma ajutistest kastiautode kodudest välja ajada ning lõpuks ähvardas vallandada ja musta nimekirja panna kõik hiinlased, kes polnud 21. septembriks tööle naasnud. Umbes 60 hiinlast lahkusid ülejäänud tööle.

Mässu, hävitamise ja mõrvade eest arreteeriti kuusteist valget kaevurit, kuid kedagi ei süüdistatud, sest ükski tunnistaja polnud nõus ütlusi andma. Ametlik hukkunute arv oli 28 hiinlast, 15 haavatut ja hiinalinna 79 hoonet rüüstati ja põletati.

Kuberner Warreni roll selles ebaõnnestumises oli segane. Kuigi tal õnnestus atmosfääri rahustada ja seega edasist vägivalda ära hoida, aitas ta hiinlasi meelitada Rock Springsisse naasma ja ta keeldus sekkumast nende tagasimaksmise küsimusse.

Lõppkokkuvõttes sai Union Pacific Company selle, mida ta tahtis: jätkuvalt madal palk kõikidele kaevuritele - ja jätkuv söetarnimine oma rongidele.

Vertikaalsed failid

Ameerika pärandkultuurikeskuses on vertikaalsed failid, mis pakuvad väärtuslikke uurimismaterjale teemadel ja inimestel. Iga vertikaalne fail sisaldab selliseid üksusi nagu uudiste väljalõiked, vihikud, fotod, brošüürid, aruanded ja palju muud. Materjalid on tavaliselt lahtised, eraldi tükid, mis on korraldatud kaustadesse ja paigutatud teema järgi. Nimi tuleneb sellest, kuidas neid hoitakse: vertikaalselt kappides. Siin kujutatud vertikaalsed failid on seotud Rock Springsi veresaunaga ja Hiina kogemusega Wyomingis.

Francis E. Warren

Vabariiklane Francis E. Warren (1844-1929) sai Wyomingi territoriaalse kuberneri ametisse veebruaris 1885. Ta polnud poliitikas uus. Ta oli olnud Cheyenne'i linnapea, territoriaalse senati liige ja territoriaalvarahoidja. Samuti oli ta kiiresti tõusnud edukaks äripositsiooniks Wyomingis, olles omandanud kontrolli suurte maa-alade üle ja olulise hääle kõikvõimas Wyomingi aktsiakasvatajate ühingus. Vaatamata tema silmapaistvusele asus demokraat Grover Cleveland USA -sse ametisse.

Andrew P. Bugas

Pealtnägijate jutustus 16. aprillil 1933 Andrew P. Bugase Rock Springsi veresaunast. Ta sündis Austrias 1866. aastal. Ta liitus oma isaga Pennsylvania söekaevandustes. Aastal 1885 tuli ta Rock Springsisse, kus töötas kolm ja pool aastat kaevanduses nr 1. Hiljem abiellus ta, käis salongis ja teenis Wyomingi osariigi seadusandluses.

W.B.D. ja Annette Gray

William Bradford Dodge Gray oli aastatel 1900–1918 Wyomingi kogudusemissioonide superintendent. Ta sündis Milbourne'is Illinoisis 1846. aastal. 1902. aastal abiellus W.B.D Gray Annette Becheriga. Ta ordineeriti detsembris 1900 Wyomingi osariigis Cheyenne'is ja temast sai Cheyenne'i South Side'i koguduse kiriku pastor. Paar reisis misjonäridena palju läbi Wyomingi. Nad kogusid oma misjonitöö jaoks raha slaidiloengutega, mis peeti ida publikule Wyomingi tingimustes.

Grace Raymond Hebard

Grace Raymond Hebard (1861-1936) töötas Wyomingi ülikoolis professorina ja raamatukoguhoidjana. Ta uuris Ameerika lääne ajalugu ning tundis huvi Oregoni raja ja põliselanike elu vastu. Lisaks edule akadeemilises ringkonnas oli ta esimene naine, kes praktiseeris Wyomingi osariigis juristi ametit ja nimetas lõpuks riikliku naisjuristide seltsi esimese asepresidendi. Tema paberid sisaldavad muu hulgas tema kirjavahetust, külalisteraamatuid, käsikirju ja ärakirju.


Mis juhtus Rock Springsi veresaunas?

2. septembri pärastlõunal Wyomingi territooriumil Rock Springsis tulistati. Asula Hiinalinn oli sadade Hiina söekaevurite jaoks, kes olid tulnud USA -sse tööle, ees ootav verevalamine. Pärast hommikust vägivalda hiina töötajate vastu ühes lähedal asuvas kaevanduses oli naabruskonda ümbritsenud üle saja relva ja muu relvaga relvastatud valge mehe.

Pinged Hiina ja valgete söekaevurite vahel Rock Springsis olid juba pikka aega kasvanud. Valge kaevurid, kes olid organiseeritud töörüütlite rüütlite ametiühingu raames, püüdsid parandada töötajate tingimusi ametiühingute loomise ja hiiglasliku Union Pacific Railroad Company vastu löömise teel. Olles tüdinenud ettevõtte ettepanekutest palka kärpida ja nõudest, et kaevurid ostavad tarbekaupu oma ülehinnatud kauplustest, nõudsid töörüütlid läbirääkimisi kaevurite tööandjatega. Ametiühing esindas rõhutud töötajate tahet, kuid esindas ka rassistlikku meeleolu: töörüütlid väitsid, et suure osa kaevurite probleemidest põhjustas Hiina sisserändajate sissevool, kes olid valmis töötama valgete eest väiksema tasu eest töölised. Kui Rock Springsi hiina töötajad keeldusid valgete kaevuritega löömast, jõudsid rühmituste vahelised pinged murdepunkti. Pärast kaevandustest oma relvade hankimiseks koju naasmist tormasid valged mehed ja naised sel septembri pärastlõunal Hiinalinna. Nende vägivaldne ristisõda, nüüd tuntud kui Rock Springsi veresaun, põhjustas 28 hiinlase surma ja 15 vigastada, mis teeb sellest ühe verisema rassiliselt ajendatud veresauna Ameerikas.

Rock Springsis juhtunu oli sümptomaatiline sel ajal Ameerika Ühendriikides toimunud palju laiemate rassistlike meeleolude kohta. Hiina-vastased vaated olid olemas juba pärast seda, kui Põhja-Ameerikasse jõudsid mandriteülese raudtee ehitamiseks esimesed suured Hiina töölained. Sellised töötajad esindasid suhteliselt odavat tööjõuallikat, kes olid valmis töötama ohtlikes tingimustes, ning peagi asendasid nad paljud oma valged kolleegid. Tegelikult arvatakse, et rassistlik väljend "mitte hiinlase võimalus" tuleneb ohtlikest töötingimustest, mida Hiina töötajad tavaliselt leidsid, näiteks kui nad lasti lõhkekehade lõhkamiseks mööda kaljuseinu. Hiina töötajate arvu suurenemine põhjustas rahulolematust valgete ameeriklaste seas, kes nõudsid diskrimineerivaid õigusakte, nagu California 1862. aasta nn anti-coolie seadus, mis nõudis Hiina sisserändajatelt osariigis töötamiseks igakuist maksu. Rassistlikud meeleolud süvenesid, kui mandritevaheline raudtee valmis sai ja Hiina sisserändajad asusid tööle teistes tööstusharudes, näiteks söekaevandamisel. Valgete ameeriklaste vaenulikkuse tipus Hiina sisserändajate vastu võttis USA Kongress vastu 1882. aasta Hiina väljaarvamise seaduse. See keelas Hiina töötajatel USA -sse sisenemise, muutes selle riigi esimeseks föderaalseaduseks, mis peatab sisserände konkreetse rahvuse alusel. .

Veelgi enam, Hiina sisserändajate süstemaatiline diskrimineerimine muutis nad võimatuks leida õigust Ameerika õigussüsteemist. Pärast Rock Springsi veresauna ei süüdistatud ühtegi valget agressorit kuriteos, sest ükski tunnistaja polnud nende vastu tunnistusi andnud. Veresaunast pääsenud Hiina kaevurid kolisid ajutiselt Evanstoni ja nõudsid Wyomingi territooriumilt lahkumiseks tasu ja raudteepileteid. Kuigi Kongress hüvitas neile hiljem nende kahjud, ei rahuldatud kaevuritele nende kahte taotlust. Pärast seda, kui neile öeldi, et rong viib nad San Franciscosse, said nad teada, et neile on valetatud: rong viis nad tagasi Rock Springsisse, kus Union Pacifici juhtkond lootis, et nad jätkavad kaevandustes tööd.

Kuigi uudised Rock Springsi veresaunast viisid paljud Ameerika Ühendriigid hukka linna valgete inimeste tegevuse, inspireeris see ka vägivaldseid Hiina-vastaseid meeleavaldusi mujal. Olles julgenud Rock Springsis juhtunust, hakkasid valged töötajad üle lääneranniku vägivaldselt hiinlasi sisserändajaid kogukondadest välja ajama.

Kogu Ameerika ajaloo jooksul on Aasia ameeriklased ja Aasia immigrandid puutunud kokku valgete ameeriklaste polariseeritud reaktsioonidega. Algselt 19. sajandil korporatsioonide poolt odava tööjõu pakkumise poolt soositud Hiina töötajad mõrvati, kui neist sai valgete töötajate konkurents. 20. sajandi lõpuks oli Aasia ameeriklastest aga saanud „mudelvähemuse” nägu - probleemne arusaam, et nad on raske tööga marginaliseerumisest üle saanud -, kuid see nihe oli toimunud varsti pärast seda, kui Jaapani ameeriklased pandi internatsioonilaagritesse. olles Ameerika kodanikud, Teise maailmasõja ajal. Selliseid reaktsioone on ajendanud rassism - valgete ameeriklaste seas on veendumus, et värvilised inimesed on halvemad ja neid tuleb vastavalt kohelda. Rassism on pannud Aasia ameeriklased ja teised valgete jõukude meelevalda, olgu see siis aktsendi mõnitamine, diskrimineerivate föderaalsete õigusaktide poolt hääletamine või kaevandustöötajate mõrvamine kogu naabruskonna likvideerimise teel.


Wyomingi mälu taastus sajandit tagasi Hiina kaevandustöötajate veresaunast

Sajand tagasi levis pinnale Rock Springsis asuvas maa-aluses söekaevanduses valge ja hiina tööliste vaheline võitlus.

Järgnevatel tundidel tapsid valged vähemalt 28 hiinlast, raputades ja põletades kodusid kogu Rock Springsi Aasia kogukonnas.

Praegu elab selles 20 000 elanikuga Wyomingi edelaosas vaid üksikuid hiina peresid. Puudub mälestusmärk selle kohta, mida hakati nimetama Hiina veresaunaks Rocky Springs, ja puuduvad tõendid selle kohta, mida ajalehed toona nimetasid "John Chinamani kiirustatud lahkumiseks" ja "Hongkongi" põletamiseks.

Veresauna ohvrite jaoks pole isegi matmispaika, ilmselt seetõttu, et kõik surnukehad tuhastati ja tuhk naasis Hiinasse. Valged sel ajal üldiselt ei lubanud aasialasi matta valgetesse kalmistutesse.

Umbes 600 ellujäänut põgenesid siit jalgsi ida ja lääne suunas mööda Union Pacific Railroad rööpaid. Nad kandsid kaasas toitu, riideid ja väärisesemeid, mida nad olid suutnud piirata oma kodudest.

Sõdurid tormati Rock Springsisse Utah ’territooriumi Camp Murray piiripostidelt ja Ft. Steele Wyomingi territooriumil. Nad asutasid Rock Springsis Camp Pilot Butte. Sõdurid jäid Hispaania-Ameerika sõjani 13 aastat.

Tapmisele järgnenud päevadel arreteeriti 14 kaevurit, kuid kedagi kuriteos süüdi ei mõistetud.

Veresaun oleks võinud unustusse vajuda, kui kaks Lääne -Wyomingi kolledži noort ajaloolast poleks oma mälu taaselustama asunud.

Personaliajaloolane A. Dudley Gardner ja ajalooõpetaja Chris Plant, kes pidasid kolledžis talgupäeval 100. aastapäeva tseremoonia, on nüüd kogunud linnaparki paigutatava tahvli eest üle 5000 dollari. Hiina suursaadik on kutsutud pühendumistseremooniale, mis toimub talle sobival ajal.

Rochesterist, NY -st pärit taim ütles, et tahvel on järgmine:

„Selle mässu põhjustas aastakümneid kestnud sihikindel ettevõtete poliitika importida Hiina kaevureid palkade alandamiseks, streikide katkestamiseks ja ametiühingute organiseerimise neutraliseerimiseks.

"Vägivalla ja julmuse toetamine oli virulentne üleriigiline rassism, mis pidas hiinlasi vabatahtlikeks orjatöötajateks ja moraalselt mandunud."

Tahvel võib aidata taaselustada mälestusi traagilisest sündmusest. Hiljuti peatati Rock Springsi tänavatel juhuslikult 20 inimest ja mitte keegi polnud kuulnud Rock Springsi Hiina veresaunast.

Talgupäeva tseremooniale kutsusid Plant ja Gardner ka Taiwani suursaadiku. Suursaadik Han Xu nimel kirjalikus vastuses, mis saadeti lillepärjaga, öeldi, et Taiwan ei saa oma esindajat saata, kuid lisas: „Usun, et kohtumine. . . saab olema märkimisväärne. Varasema ajaloo ülevaade paneb meid rohkem hindama praegu arenevaid suhteid Hiina ja Ameerika Ühendriikide vahel. ”

Aastate lõpus toodi USAsse tuhandeid hiinlasi odava tööjõuna. Nõuded sisserände peatamiseks kasvasid lääneriikides, kuna hiinlaste arv jõudis 1880. aastal California ühe elanikuni.

Kongress vastas sellele, võttes vastu 1882. aasta seaduse, mis on tuntud kui Hiina väljaarvamise seadus. See peatas Hiina sisserände 10 aastaks.

See tegu ei vähendanud pahameelt läänes hiinlaste vastu ja juhuslik vägivald jätkus.

Dell Isham kirjutas oma raamatus „Rock Springs Massacre 1885“, et vägivallast on kasu „poliitilistele demagoogidele ja pettunud töökorraldajatele“.

11. septembri 1885. aasta väljaanne “Extra” väljaandes Rock Springs Independent, mis ilmus üheksa päeva pärast veresauna, kirjeldas hiinlaste vihkamist, mis oli kasvanud juba mitu kuud enne veresauna.

Toimetaja Norman Dresser kirjutas artiklis pealkirjaga “Hiinlaste väljarändamise tõeline lugu”: “Tunne nende vastu on kogu suve tugevnenud. Asjaolu, et valged mehed olid (minu) sektsioonidest välja lülitatud ja sajad valged mehed otsisid asjatult tööd, samal ajal kui hiinlasi saatis autokoorem ja neile anti tööd, tugevdas nende vastu tunnet.

"Selle tunde õhutamiseks nende vastu aktiivseks ristisõjaks oli vaja vähe, ja see vähe tuli kolmapäeva hommikul (2. septembril) kell 6," kirjutas Dresser.

Sel hommikul teatasid mõned Hiina kaevurid töölt, et leida maa -alusest ruumist valgeid kaevureid, kes nende arvates olid neile määratud. Union Pacific Coal Co. oli vägivalla vältimiseks hoidnud valgeid ja Hiina kaevureid eraldi ruumides.

“Järgnesid kõrged sõnad, seejärel löögid. Teistest tubadest tulid hiinlased, nagu ka valged, ning tekkis võitlus kirkad, labidad, puurid ja (tampimis) nõelad relvade pärast, ”ütles Independent.

"Hiinlased said hullemaks, neist neli olid raskelt haavatud, üks neist on vahepeal surnud," seisis artiklis.

Aruanded ütlesid, et umbes 100 valget kaevurit ja pealtnägijat kogunesid vihase tujuga. Baaride omanikud, tajudes eesolevaid probleeme, sulgesid oma kõrtsid. Kui rahvamass Hiinalinna poole marssis, suleti kauplused, et kõik saaksid vaadata hiinlaste väljarännet.

Rahvas andis algul hiinlastele ühe tunni evakuatsiooniks, kuid muutus seejärel rahutuks. Mõned karjusid, et hiinlased relvastavad end ja valmistuvad seisukohta tegema.

Rahvas tungis edasi. Aruannete kohaselt oli rindejoonel vähemalt kaks naist, kes tulistasid ja tõrvikuid hiinlaste kodudesse.

Mõned hiinlased otsisid peavarju oma mustusest keldritest ja põletati surnuks. Teised põgenesid, paljud neist paljajalu.

The Independent'i konto ütles: "Nad põgenesid nagu hirmunud lammaste kari, rabelesid ja kukkusid alla Bitter Creeki järskudest kallastest, seejärel läbi põõsa ja üle raudtee ning Burning Mountainist ida pool mägedesse."

Rahvas tungis siis Ah Lee pesu uksest sisse ja järgnes rüselus. Üks ajakirjanik kirjutas, et "põrandal nähti surnud hiinlast, kelle veri ja ajud voolasid kohutavast haavast kuklas".

Ekstra väljaanne ütles, et šerif Joe Young tuli sel õhtul Green Riverist, Rock Springsist 15 miili lääne pool, kuid ei leidnud vabatahtlikke, kes aitaksid korda taastada.

"Kogu öö oli kuulda vintpüssi ja revolvri häält ning ümbritsevaid künkaid valgustas põlevate majade sära," teatas Independent.

Kord taastati sõdurite saabudes. 21. septembriks oli umbes 100 hiinlast tööd jätkanud.

The Independent oli nördinud New Yorgi ajalehes ja teistes Ida -ajalehtedes avaldatud veresauna kohta avaldatud raportite ja toimetuste pärast.

"Me teavitaksime Timesi," kirjutas Dresser, "kui mehed on purustatud, kui nende õigustunne ja pahameel on nördinud, tõusevad nad üles ja protesteerivad. Ja kui aastate jooksul kogunenud raskused viivad nad äärmustesse, lasub süü ka nende tööandjatel, kes ignoreerisid nende kaebusi nii järjekindlalt, et mehed loobusid igasugusest heastamislootusest, välja arvatud oma tegudega. ”

Dresser lisas: „Hiinlased peavad minema. Isegi sõdurid kiruvad seda kohust, mis sunnib neid ameeriklaste vastu välismaalast ülal pidama. ”

Hiina valitsus protestis veresauna vastu ja saatis isegi esindajad Wyomingi territooriumile asja uurima.

Kuigi Kongress ei võtnud endale mingit juriidilist vastutust, lubas ta lõpuks Hiinale hüvitada 147 748,74 dollarit. Sweetwateri maakonna ajaloomuuseumi direktor Henry Chadey usub, et raha kasutati Ameerika Ühendriikide Hiina üliõpilaste stipendiumideks.


Hiinlaste Ameerikast puhastamise kampaania unustatud ajalugu

Gum Shan. Kuldne mägi. Nii nimetasid inimesed Guangdongi provintsis kauget maad, kus põliselanikel olid punased juuksed ja sinised silmad, ja kuuldavasti võis kullast tükke maapinnalt kitkuda. Vastavalt San Franciscos asuvale kontole Kroonika, kaupmees, kes külastas provintsi pealinnast Cantonit - tõenäoliselt varsti pärast kulla avastamist Sutter Creekis, 1848. aastal - kirjutas sõbrale kodus rikkustest, mille ta oli leidnud California mägedest. Sõber rääkis teistele ja asus ise teele üle Vaikse ookeani. Kas kaupmehe kirjast või Hongkongisse saabuvatelt laevadelt levis uudis California kullapalavikust Lõuna -Hiinas. Mehed hakkasid raha kokku kraapima, kasutades sageli laenu tagatisena oma pere maad ja tungides laevadele, mille Ameerikasse jõudmiseks kulus koguni kolm kuud. Lõpuks jõudsid nad tuhandetesse. Mõned tulid kulda otsima, teised olid huvitatud tulusast palgast, mida nad said teenida raudtee -ettevõtetes, kes panid rööbasteed USA ida- ja läänepooltega liitumiseks, teised aga töötasid tehastes, kus valmistati sigareid, susse ja villaseid riideid. leidis muid võimalusi Ameerika läänes. Enamasti olid nad talupojad, kes reisisid sageli suurest rühmast samast külast. Nad kandsid Qingi dünastia traditsioonilist meessoost soengut, ees raseeritud pasteet ja tagaküljel vööni punutis. Nad põgenesid kodumaalt, mida ähvardasid vägivaldsed mässud ja majanduslik puudus. Nad tulid otsima Ameerika piiri suuri ja avatud ruume - seal, kus nad uskusid, ootasid vabadus ja võimalused.

Hiina kohaloleku kasvades hakkas see aga valgete ameeriklaste muret tekitama. Järgnes vägivald, mis sageli oli oma jõhkruses šokeeriv. Ameerika pidas üheksateistkümnenda sajandi keskel eepilist võitlust rassi pärast. Kodusõjas hukkus viimaste hinnangute kohaselt kolmveerand miljonit inimest. Sellele järgnenud tormilistel rekonstrueerimisaastatel lintšiti vähemalt kaks tuhat mustanahalist. Sellel Ameerika ajaloo määraval perioodil on aga suuresti unustatud virulentne rassism, mida Hiina immigrandid riigi teisel poolel talusid. Vastavalt raamatule „The Chinese Must Go” (2018), Princetoni ajalooprofessori Beth Lew-Williamsi üksikasjalik ülevaade kaheksateistkümnendate kaheksakümnendate keskel, tõenäoliselt valvsuse tippajal, vähemalt sada kuuskümmend kaheksa kogukonnad sundisid oma Hiina elanikke lahkuma. Ühes eriti kohutavas episoodis, 1885. aastal, tapsid Wyomingi territooriumil Rock Springsis valged kaevurid vähemalt kakskümmend kaheksa Hiina kaevurit ja ajasid välja veel mitusada inimest.

Today, there are more than twenty-two million people of Asian descent in the United States, and Asians are projected to be the largest immigrant group in the nation by 2055. Asian-Americans have been stereotyped as the model minority, yet no other ethnic or racial group experiences greater income inequality––or perhaps feels more invisible. Then came the Presidency of Donald Trump, his racist sneers about “kung flu” and the “China virus,” and the wave of anti-Asian attacks that has swept the country.

The attacks have produced a remarkable outpouring of emotion and energy from the Asian-American community and beyond. But it is unclear what will become of the fervor once the sense of emergency dissipates. Asian-Americans do not fit easily into the narrative of race in America. Evaluating .


History of Violence in the Chinese Community

Violence towards the AAPI community isn’t something new. A few weeks ago, members of the Chinese community gathered and rallied in protest of anti-Asian violence and racism in response to the shootings in Georgia and in response to the harmful language aimed towards members of the community. As an Asian American, it's heartbreaking--and that's putting it lightly--to constantly hear about the attacks that have been happening since last year. With increased news coverage on the AAPI community, I think that that it's important to know that this has happened before.

There are three famous incidents that I know of that is significant to Chinese American history:

  1. Rock Springs Massacre in 1885.
  2. Chinese Massacre in 1871
  3. The murder of Vincent Chin

The Rock Springs Massacre in 1885: White coal miners in Wyoming, protest their employers hiring Chinese laborers because it would be cheaper for them to do so, then attack them which results in 28 Chinese people being killed, 15 injured¹.

Chinese Massacre in 1871: With the death of a community member during a shootout between a group of Chinese people, around 500 mobsters dragged the people who were involved in the altercation and hung them--killing 17 Chinese people, 10% of the Chinese population in LA at that time was wiped out in a single day².

The murder of Vincent Chin-- Vincent Chin, who was mistaken for a Japanese man, was killed by two auto workers who had blamed him for losing their jobs in the automotive industry³. There is so so much that had happened during and after the court case that can be better explained by reading the article below.

I bring up these three incidents to highlight the similarities between what happened then and now: all three cases of violence stemmed from racism and xenophobia which is then further amplified when demagogues are given a soapbox to make derogatory comments much akin to what’s been happening in the past year. Much of this is new to the people outside of the AAPI community, but for people like me, this is something that has been going on for all of my life and I feel like it’s something that has been overlooked time after time. I believe that making a difference, being an anti-racist, starts with listening to what people have to say: every community has their story and it’s vital for all of us to make an effort to educate ourselves on what’s going on and to take what they have to say seriously. Instead of offering solutions that you think are helpful, listen to what community members have to say.


City of Rock Springs, Wyoming

The Chinese Massacre Memorial located on the corners of M Street, Bridger Avenue and Pilot Butte Avenue, across from the Saints Cyril and Methodius Catholic Church.

Books about the 1885 Chinese Massacre:

Chadey, Henry F. The Chinese Story and Rock Springs, Wyoming. 1984.

Isham, Dell. Rock Springs Massacre, 1885. 1969.

McAuliffe, Eugene. Ajalugu of the Union Pacific Coal Mines 1868 to 1940. Reprinted 1977.

Rhode, Robert B. Booms & Busts on Bitter Creek: A History of Rock Springs, Wyoming. 1987.

Storti, Craig. Incident at Bitter Creek: The story of the Rock Springs Chinese Massacre. 1991.

Wilson, Arlen Ray. The Rock Springs, Wyoming Chinese Massacre, 1885. 1967.

Fiction books that include the 1885 Chinese Massacre:

Leung, Brian. Take Me Home: a novel. 2011.

Yep, Laurence. The Traitor: Golden Mountain Chronicles: 1885 (Golden Mountain Chronicles). 2003.

Lisaressursid:

The Modern West Podcast. Immigrations, Interrupted: Ghost Town(ing) Part 9. 27 January 2021. Wyoming Public Media. The Modern West Podcast - The Modern West

O&rsquoGara, Geoff. Chinese Massacre. Video recording. 1994.

Thomas, D.G. as told to daughter Mrs. J.H. Goodnough. Chinese Riot. 1931.

Header Image from Harper's Weekly, Vol. 29, 1885 riot and massacre of Chinese-American coal miners, by white miners.


Riches for Chinese Miners Following their Intermountain West trail from Boise, Idaho, to Rock Springs, Wyoming.

Following their Intermountain West trail from Boise, Idaho, to Rock Springs, Wyoming.

Chinese laborers played a prominent role in the construction of the Central Pacific Railroad, and they were equally instrumental in mining operations throughout the Intermountain West. Gold mining in Idaho’s Boise Basin started in 1862 upon the discoveries of prospecting parties led by D.H. Fogus, George Grimes and Moses Splawn, and miners flocked to the region. The population exploded. By 1863 four cities had sprung up: Idaho City, Centerville, Placerville and Pioneer, with a combined population of nearly 15,000.

In the early years, only a few Chinese workers were in the region, most of them finding work as cooks. People and supplies came into Boise Basin over a series of rough roads leading in from the south and the Owyhee country, as well as from the west, where they traveled by steamboat up the Columbia to jumping off points such as Wallula and Umatilla, or they came overland through the Baker Valley and along the Payette River to follow Harris Creek and then cross the divide into Boise Basin.

Gold miners took advantage of the rich lode, combing the hills and pulling significant gold from the area. By the time the Central Pacific joined with the Union Pacific in May 1869, many of the Boise Basin mining claims were already heavily worked. The railroad meant that goods could be transported by train to Winnemucca, Nevada, and then hauled overland north to Idaho City, Idaho, and other Boise Basin towns. In spite of the availability of goods, the miners had already begun to move on to new diggings. The 1870 census showed 2,158 residents in the same four cities that had populations of more than 15,000 just seven years earlier.

The population had shifted not just downward but also ethnically. By 1870 the region’s population was almost half comprised of Chinese. They moved in to the basin to take advantage of the gold still remaining, as they would work claims other miners had already abandoned. Nagu Idaho World, Idaho City’s newspaper, reported, by early October 1865, “between fifty and sixty Chinamen are reported to be at work on claims lately purchased by them on More’s creek, below the tollgate. This is the first gang, we believe, which has ventured into that line of business in this portion of the country.”

Many of them engaged in other opportunities: they had laundries and stores. The early laundry operations of men such as Quong Hing, Sam Lee, Hop Ching, Fan Hop and Song Lee gave way to other businesses as increasing numbers of Chinese entered the region. The Chinese merchants imported goods for market in the camps. Those who were more prosperous bought the older placer claims then put Chinese laborers to work at them. This re-working of the mines angered many “who thought the mines ought to be worked by white miners,” according to the Maailm. But the white miners had moved on to other locations where they believed they would make more money, and the Chinese miners were satisfied with a dollar or two in profit from a day’s digging.

First Diggings in Idaho City

To reach the Boise Basin town of Idaho City, you should travel along Highway 21, north out of Boise, on a route that at one time had been in use by freighters hauling supplies to the mining camp.

A good place to begin exploring Idaho City is at the Boise Basin Historical Museum, a building that formerly served as the town’s post office. There you will get a good overview of the area’s development on certain days you may have an opportunity to visit the Pon Yam House, built in 1865, which served as the store of one of the more prominent Chinese businessmen in Idaho City. This building is in the process of being renovated as a location to better tell the Chinese history of this area. The Idaho World newspaper office also still remains in Idaho City. It is a building first used as a Chinese store.

Idaho City is but one of the mining towns that attracted the Chinese workers in the 19th century, but few of those workers remained—not even in the cemetery. Although the pioneer graveyard had a Chinese section, when the Chinese left, they disinterred the bodies and returned them to the homeland.

Not far from Idaho City is the now sleepy little town of Placerville, which has its Henrietta Penrod Museum—housed in the former Magnolia Saloon—offering a collection of Chinese china, fans, shoes and silk items.

Headin’ North to Polly Bemis Country

Like the miners who started working gold claims in the Boise Basin, you should leave the region and travel to Cottonwood for a visit to the Monastery of St. Gertrude. This private museum has an impressive collection of Chinese artifacts from the mining era in Idaho. These include a sunbonnet, three dresses, a brown shawl, jewelry, photographs and items crocheted by one of the most famous Chinese women in the West.

Better known as Polly Bemis, Lalu Nathoy was born in China in 1853 and sold by her father as a female slave in America. Later sold for $2,500, she arrived in Warren, Idaho, where she endured a harsh life. Charlie Bemis ultimately won her in a card game with Hog King, who then owned her. The girl worked for Bemis, and the two of them later married and relocated to a small farm along the Salmon River known as the Bemis place, or more commonly Polly Place. Polly spent much of the rest of her life there. After Charlie died from burns received in a fire at their home, she remained at the farm until her latter years when she spent time in Grangeville and Cottonwood.

Each year the museum at the monastery also hosts a symposium related to the Chinese in Idaho. The event includes history presentations and often offers tours to sites important in the Chinese mining story, such as Chinese Massacre Cove in Hells Canyon (site where a gang of white men robbed and murdered 31 Chinese men in 1887). This year’s event will be held June 23 and 24.

Although not connected to the mining era, the Rhoades Emmanuel Memorial at the Monastery Museum is a stunning collection of exquisite Asian and European artifacts, with the majority of the items from China, some dating from the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644).

Montana’s Gold is Callin’

Gold strikes at Alder Gulch in Montana Territory drew miners from Idaho. You should head that direction too, traveling over Lolo Pass to Missoula, where you can follow I-90 to Butte and its World Museum of Mining. The museum showcases original equipment at the Orphan Girl Mine and extensive exhibits that give you a chance to see and, in some cases, handle equipment. Dozens of original and replica buildings are a part of “Hell Roaring Gulch,” including a Chinese laundry.

Even more original buildings from the mining era, and representing Chinese workers, are part of Nevada City in southwest Montana. Relocated to the area, these structures include three stores—set up with displays of tea, household goods, food, baskets and coolie hats—one laundry and other small buildings. The Chinese continued to live in both Nevada City and nearby Virginia City after the 1864 gold strikes.

Both Nevada City and Virginia City give you a chance not only to learn about the mining and cultural history of the area but also to actually experience it for yourself. You can pan for gold in Nevada City and, on weekends and some other times during the summer, you can meet “historical” characters who help bring the historic district to life. Virginia City offers visitors a melodrama, a theatrical performance or music—Country or perhaps Blues—at the Bale of Hay Saloon. Plus, you can get outfitted at Rank’s Mercantile, established in 1864, and shop at other businesses that offer 19th-century style of goods.

Just as Chinese workers who helped construct the Central Pacific Railway eventually found jobs working in
mining operations in the Boise Basin, so did those who found work on the Union Pacific find opportunity in end-of-tracks towns along that rail line. Evanston, Wyoming, last stop for the UP in Wyoming territory, had a large Chinese population.

A joss house has been rebuilt in Evanston as part of the Uinta County Museum. Within the building is a large collection of Chinese artifacts, including both an original and a replica Chinese dragon used during Chinese New Year’s parades (one is held every year in Evanston). You can also see a replica of the Chinatown, plus artifacts uncovered during archaeological excavations.

From Evanston, continue east on I-80 to reach your final stop on this trail of Chinese mining in the Intermountain West.

A Chinese Mining Riot

The first coal mining along the Union Pacific Railroad took place at Carbon, but extensive mining was soon underway in the area of Rock Springs. Like the incident that occurred at Massacre Cove along the Snake River in Idaho, an ugly racially-motivated attack took place in Rock Springs. The level of violence makes it one of the worst such situations in the history of the West.

Similar to those who had worked on the Central Pacific Railroad and later made their way to mining ventures in the Boise Basin, the Chinese who had been employed by the Union Pacific ultimately found work in the coal mines in Wyoming after 1875. That year white miners went on strike, and the Union Pacific hired 150 Chinese replacements. The Chinese workers established their own area of town and “commenced their labor … running out the coal in as good a condition as in days gone by,” reported the Laramie Daily Sentinel on November 25, 1875.

The white miners eventually settled their strike and returned to the mines.

Few problems arose during the next several years, but when another strike was threatened in 1885, sentiment against the Chinese coal miners reached fever pitch. At the time two Chinese miners were working to every one of other ethnicity. A labor riot broke out on September 2, 1885. A white mob stormed through Rock Springs’s Chinatown, killing somewhere between 28 and 52 Chinese miners, forcing others out of their homes and setting the buildings on fire.

The Chinese and their families forced out onto the desert by the rioting prompted Gov. Francis E. Warren to wire President Grover Cleveland for aid: “Mob now preventing some five-hundred Chinamen from reaching food or shelter. Sheriff of county powerless to suppress riot and asks for two companies of United States troops. I believe immediate assistance imperative to preserve life and property.”

Federal troops responded and restored order. The governor later told the Cheyenne Democratic Leader, “I have no fondness for Chinese … but I do have an interest in protecting, as far as my power lies, the lives, liberty and property of every human being in this territory … and so long as I am governor, I shall act in the spirit of that idea.”

The Chinese ultimately returned to Rock Springs, but the violence in Wyoming was not unique and such incidents continued all across the West. The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 certainly helped fuel the rage, as it made a point to target “Chinese employed in mining.”

In visiting these early intermountain placer camps think about the evidence of care and attention archaeologists have found in the places white miners deserted where the Chinese later toiled. Since Chinese miners characteristically employed hand labor, they did not leave dredged tailings in their wake but rather neatly piled stacks and rows of boulders that they had vigilantly hand washed. In many ways their presence, in the form of interesting, unique and sometimes priceless artifacts, is just as tenderly presented in the region’s museums.

Related Posts

The Coming Man from Canton: Chinese Experience in Montana, 1862-1943, by Christopher W. Merritt (University&hellip


The Forgotten History of the Purging of Chinese from America

Gum Shan. Gold Mountain. That was what the people in Guangdong Province called the faraway land where the native population had red hair and blue eyes, and it was rumored that gold nuggets could be plucked from the ground. According to an account in the San Francisco Chronicle, a merchant visiting from Canton, the provincial capital—likely soon after the discovery of gold at Sutter Creek, in 1848—wrote to a friend back home about the riches that he had found in the mountains of California. The friend told others and set off across the Pacific Ocean himself. Whether from the merchant’s letter, or from ships arriving in Hong Kong, news of California’s gold rush swept through southern China. Men began scraping together funds, often using their family’s land as collateral for loans, and crowding aboard vessels that took as long as three months to reach America. They eventually arrived in the thousands. Some came in search of gold others were attracted by the lucrative wages that they could earn working for the railroad companies laying down tracks to join the Eastern and Western halves of the United States still others worked in factories making cigars, slippers, and woollens, or found other opportunities in the American West. They were mostly peasants, often travelling in large groups from the same village. They wore the traditional male hair style of the Qing dynasty, shaved pate in the front and a braid down to the waist in the back. They were escaping a homeland beset by violent rebellions and economic privation. They came seeking the vast, open spaces of the American frontier—where, they believed, freedom and opportunity awaited.

As the Chinese presence grew, however, it began to stir the anxieties of white Americans. Violence, often shocking in its brutality, followed. America, in the middle of the nineteenth century, was engaged in an epic struggle over race. The Civil War, by the latest estimates, left three-quarters of a million dead. In the turbulent years of Reconstruction that followed, at least two thousand Black people were lynched. Largely forgotten in this defining period of American history, however, is the virulent racism that Chinese immigrants endured on the other side of the country. According to “The Chinese Must Go” (2018), a detailed examination by Beth Lew-Williams, a professor of history at Princeton, in the mid eighteen-eighties, during probably the peak of vigilantism, at least a hundred and sixty-eight communities forced their Chinese residents to leave. In one particularly horrific episode, in 1885, white miners in Rock Springs, in the Wyoming Territory, massacred at least twenty-eight Chinese miners and drove out several hundred others.

Today, there are more than twenty-two million people of Asian descent in the United States, and Asians are projected to be the largest immigrant group in the nation by 2055. Asian-Americans have been stereotyped as the model minority, yet no other ethnic or racial group experiences greater income inequality––or perhaps feels more invisible. Then came the Presidency of Donald Trump, his racist sneers about “kung flu” and the “China virus,” and the wave of anti-Asian attacks that has swept the country.

The attacks have produced a remarkable outpouring of emotion and energy from the Asian-American community and beyond. But it is unclear what will become of the fervor once the sense of emergency dissipates. Asian-Americans do not fit easily into the narrative of race in America. Evaluating gradations of victimhood, and where a persistent sense of otherness ends and structural barriers begin, is complicated. But the surge in violence against Asian-Americans is a reminder that America’s present reality reflects its exclusionary past. That reminder turns the work of making legible a history that has long been overlooked into a search for a more inclusive future.

The vast majority of Chinese in America in the nineteenth century arrived in San Francisco, which had been a settlement of several hundred people before the gold rush, but ballooned into a chaotic metropolis of nearly three hundred and fifty thousand by the end of the century. In “Ghosts of Gold Mountain” (2019), Gordon H. Chang, a history professor at Stanford University, writes that, at least initially, many were generally welcoming toward the Chinese. “They are among the most industrious, quiet, patient people among us,” the Daily Alta California, the state’s leading newspaper, said in 1852. “Perhaps the citizens of no nation except the Germans, are more quiet and valuable.” Railroad officials were pleased by their work ethic. The Chinese “prove nearly equal to white men, in the amount of labor they perform, and are far more reliable,” one executive wrote.

White workers, however, began to see the Chinese as competition––first for gold and, later, for scarce jobs. Many perceived the Chinese to be a heathen race, unassimilable and alien to the American way of life. In April, 1852, with the numbers of arriving Chinese growing, Governor John Bigler urged the California state legislature “to check this tide of Asiatic immigration.” Bigler, a Democrat who had been elected the state’s third governor the previous year, explicitly differentiated “Asiatics” from white European immigrants. He argued that the Chinese, unlike their Western counterparts, had not come seeking America as the “asylum for the oppressed of all nations” but only to “acquire a certain amount of the precious metals, and then return to their native country.” The legislature enacted a series of measures to drive out the “Mongolian and Asiatic races,” including by imposing a fifty-dollar fee on every arriving immigrant who was ineligible to become a citizen. (At the time, naturalization procedures were governed by a 1790 law that restricted citizenship to “free white persons.”)

In 1853, the Daily Alta published an editorial on the question of whether the Chinese should be permitted to become citizens. It conceded that “many of them it is true are nearly as white as Europeans.” But, it claimed, “they are not white persons in the sense of the law.” The article characterized Chinese Americans as “morally a far worse class to have among us than the negro” and described their disposition as “cunning and deceitful.” Even though the Chinese had certain redeeming qualities of “craft, industry, and economy,” it said, “they are not of that kind that Americans can ever associate or sympathize with.” It concluded, “They are not of our people and never will be.”

In remote mining communities, where vigilante justice often prevailed, white miners drove the Chinese off their claims. In 1859, miners gathered at a general store in northern California’s Shasta County and voted to expel the Chinese. In “Driven Out” (2007), a comprehensive account of anti-Chinese violence, Jean Pfaelzer, a professor of English and Asian studies at the University of Delaware, writes that an armed mob of two hundred white miners charged through an encampment of Chinese at the mouth of Rock Creek who had refused to leave. They captured about seventy-five Chinese miners and marched them through the town of Shasta, where people pelted them with stones. The county’s young sheriff, Clay Stockton, and his deputies, managed to disperse the mob and free the captives. But, in the following days, gangs of white miners rampaged through Chinese camps in the surrounding towns, as Stockton and his men struggled to bring the violence under control. The skirmishes came to be called the Shasta Wars. Eventually, the governor dispatched an emergency shipment of a hundred and thirteen rifles, by steamer, and a posse of men assembled by Stockton was able to restore order. The rioters were put on trial, but were quickly acquitted. “Quiet once more reigns in the Republic of Shasta,” an article in the local newspaper, the Placer Kuulutaja, said. “May the fierce alarums of war never more call her faithful sons to arms!”

On October 24, 1871, racial tensions exploded in Los Angeles’s Chinatown on a narrow street lined with shops and residences, called Calle de los Negros, or Negro Alley. Many details are murky, but the journalist Iris Chang writes in “The Chinese in America” (2003) that a white police officer, investigating the sound of gunfire, was shot a white man who rushed to help was killed. An angry mob of several hundred men gathered. “American blood had been shed,” one later recalled. “There was, too, that sense of shock that Chinese had dared fire on whites, and kill with recklessness outside their own color set. We all moved in, shouting in anger and as some noticed, in delight at all the excitement.” The street was ransacked and looted, and there were shouts of “Hang them! Hang them!” By night’s end, roughly twenty Chinese were dead, most of them hanged, their bodies left dangling in the moonlight one of them was a fourteen-year-old boy. The incident remains one of the worst instances of a mass lynching in American history.

A prolonged economic slump in the mid-eighteen-seventies fanned white resentment. Factories on the East Coast shuttered, and unemployed workers migrated West searching for work. The completion of the transcontinental railroad also left many laborers in need of jobs. An Irish immigrant named Denis Kearney, who ran a business in San Francisco hauling dry goods, began to deliver fiery speeches in a vacant sandlot near city hall. Kearney’s audience eventually grew to thousands of embittered workers. Much of his ire was directed at “railroad robbers,” “lecherous bondholders,” and “political thieves,” but he reserved his worst vitriol for “the Chinaman.” He ended his speeches with the acclamation “The Chinese must go!” In 1877, thousands of frustrated laborers in California formed the Workingmen’s Party of California, and elected Kearney its president. “California must be all American or all Chinese,” Kearney said. “We are resolved that it shall be American, and are prepared to make it so.”

In central California, white workers began burning down Chinese homes. In San Francisco, members of an anti-Chinese club disrupted an evening labor meeting in front of city hall and clamored for them to denounce the Chinese. A crowd marched to Chinatown and set buildings ablaze and shot people in the streets days of looting and assaults followed. It took several thousand volunteers, armed with pick handles, and backed by police and federal troops and gunboats offshore, to bring the riots under control after three days, by which time four people were dead and fourteen wounded.


Chinese miners are massacred in Wyoming Territory - HISTORY

During the summer of 1885, tensions had been building between Chinese coal miners and European coal miners in Rock Springs, Wyoming Territory. Both groups were employed by the Union Pacific Coal Company and were having a dispute over wages.

According to Dudley Gardner in his article “The Wyoming Experience Chinese in Wyoming” he states the following about growing tensions in the mines, “Growing anti-Chinese sentiment, coupled with Union Pacific’s wage-cutting policies, led to a volatile situation. Warnings of this sentiment came to the attention of the management of the Union Pacific, but they went unheeded. Seemingly, little was done to avoid events that eventually erupted in violence.

One of the contributing factors that led to the anti-Chinese movement in the coalmines was a perception that Chinese miners were treated better than whites. This false perception grew in part from cultural misunderstanding. In fact, on the average, Chinese coal miners made less and paid more for goods and services. For example, in the late 1880s Chinese miners earned between $1.73 and $2 a day for their labors underground. By comparison, white miners earned $2.50 to $3 each day. Meanwhile, Chinese coal miners rented their homes for between $5 and $7 each month. Union Pacific rented similar houses for $2.50 a month to white miners. Interestingly, for September 1885, when the Chinese miners only lived two days in the Union Pacific homes, they were charged either $1 or $2 rent. Meanwhile, the head of Union Pacific Coal Company, D. O. Clark, who lived in one of the finest houses in town in the years leading up to the tragedy in Rock Springs, paid only $5 a month rent.

Despite these facts, many whites felt that the Union Pacific granted the Chinese extra privileges. The major complaints of the white miners in the 1880s included the statement that “Chinese miners were favored in the assignment of rooms in the mines,” where the actual extracting of coal took place. The coal miners in Rock Springs thought that the Chinese miners were given the easiest “workings” where they could more easily extract coal and make more money each day. To this end, white miners accused J. M. Tisdel, mine superintendent in Rock Springs, of selling “privileges to Chinamen.” Adding to their discontent was the fact that Union Pacific coal miners were “compelled to trade at the Beckwith, Quinn and Company store.” Trade at Beckwith and Quinn was especially objectionable to the white miners since this company had brought the Chinese miners into Wyoming.”

On the morning of Sept. 2, 1885, growing tensions turned violent when a mob of European coal miners attacked their Chinese co-workers at the mine. Later that afternoon, an angry mob had formed which led to more violence within the Chinatown community of Rock Springs. At the end of the tragedy, the community learned that 28 Chinese miners had been killed and 15 more were wounded. Seventy-nine homes were set ablaze and the bodies of many of the dead were thrown into the flames. Several hundred Chinese workers were chased out of town and property damage was estimated at $150,000.

In the days and weeks following the riot, newspapers across the country reported on the event, including the Las Vegas Daily Gazette on Sept. 4, 1885 as seen here from the Library of Congress: “Worse Than Reported.”

Headline from the front page of the Las Vegas Gazette, September 4, 1885, reporting on the extend of the Rock Springs Massacre. Image from the Library of Congress, Chronicling America project.

Las Vegas Gazette front page from September 4, 1885. Second column shows reporting on the Rock Springs Massacre. Image from the Library of Congress, Chronicling America project.

“Rock Springs Massacre” illustration, seen below, is archived at the American Heritage Center and the Library of Congress. This illustration of the massacre was published in the Sept. 26, 1885 edition of Harper’s Weekly and was drawn by Thure. de Thulstrup from photographs by Lieutenant C.A. Booth of the Seventh United States Infantry. https://www.loc.gov/item/89708533/

Illustration of the massacre from the Sept. 26, 1885 edition of Harper’s Weekly. The massacre of the Chinese at Rock Springs, Wyoming drawn by Thure. de Thulstrup from photographs by Lieutenant C.A. Booth, Seventh United States Infantry.

On September 8, 1885, the Springfield Globe Republic newspaper (Springfield, OH) reported that the sheriff of Sweetwater County arrested 22 of “the supposed” rioters in Rock Springs, as seen here from the Library of Congress: “Arresting the Rioters.”

Front page of the Springfield Globe-Republic (Springfield, OH), from September 8, 1885, reporting on the arrest of “the supposed” rioters. From the Library of Congress, Chronicling America project.

Photograph from the National Archives, depicts Federal Troops on South Front Street in Rock Springs, Wyoming Territory, 1885.

Federal troops arrived in Rock Springs one week after the murders to restore order. They would remain in Rock Springs for 13 years, until 1898.

Although the killing and rioting had been done in broad daylight, law enforcement was unable to get any members of the community to attest to what they saw and the crimes that were committed. No European miners or community members were ever put on trial for the murders or looting.

Thomas Nast, one of the most prolific illustrators of the time, created the following editorial cartoon in 1885 to depict the massacre in Rock Springs.

Cartoon drawn by Thomas Nast in 1885 that depicts the massacre in Rock Springs. From the Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley.

Illustration by Frederick B. Opper in 1885 that shows Uncle Sam preparing a list of places in China where “Americans [have been] killed by Chinese” and a Chinese man preparing a list of places in America where “Chinese [have been] killed by Americans” including the latest incident in “Wyoming Territory”. From the Library of Congress: https://www.loc.gov/item/2011660543/

Cover of Puck Magazine, September 16, 1885. Illustration shows Uncle Sam preparing a list of places in China where “Americans [have been] killed by Chinese” and a Chinese man preparing a list of places in America where “Chinese [have been] killed by Americans” including the latest incident in “Wyoming Territory”. Illustration by Frederick B. Opper.