Teine maoori sõda - ajalugu

Teine maoori sõda - ajalugu



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Teine maoori sõda
Teist maooride sõda peeti 1860–1872 Briti kolonisti ja põliselanike Uus-Meremaa elanike vahel Põhjasaarel. Suuresti geriljasõja lõppedes anti põliselanikele pool saart.


Pärand ja AL

Ainulaadsed kogud ja ressursid Aucklandi raamatukogude uurimiskeskustest ja pärandkogudest.

Telli see ajaveeb

Jälgige meili teel

Maori võitlejate leidmine Teisest maailmasõjast

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Māori pataljon, marss võidule … Siiski, Aucklandi nädalalehtede teemapealkirjade metaandmete sisestamisel tuleb üks esimesi asju meelde jätta, et Teises maailmasõjas olnud maoori võitlejad ei olnud tingimata 28. maori pataljoni liikmed. Teistes pataljonides või armeeüksustes oli maoori sõdureid, Uus -Meremaa kuninglikus õhuväes maooride õhuväelasi ja Uus -Meremaa kuninglikus mereväes maooride madruseid (kuigi ma olen siiani lõpetanud alles aastatel 1939–1942 ega ole maoori meremehi kohanud) au rull veel ja sõda on veel pooleli!). Siin on mõned sõjaväelased kasutades mõned näited selle kohta, kuidas Aucklandi sõjamälestusmuuseumi ’s Cenotaph andmebaasist ja pataljoni rollist leiate lisateavet maoori võitlejate kohta 28. maori pataljoni veebisaidil.

1942. aasta aukirjas on kolm maori lennuväelast. Esimene, kellega kokku puutume, on seersant Herbert Samuel (või Bert Sam) Wipiti. Enne sõda oli Bert New Plymouthis noorem jahutustehnik. Ta võitis auväärse lendamise medali silmapaistva julguse eest õhuvõitluses Singapuri kohal. Kahjuks tapeti ta pärast sõjaväeohvitseriks ülendamist, kui tema Spitfire 3. oktoobril 1943. aastal Prantsusmaa rannikul maha tulistati. Tundub, et tema surnukeha ei leitud kunagi, kuid teda mäletatakse Runnymede mälestusmärgil ja Biggin Hilli mälestuskabelis Inglismaal.

Blyth Kempton-Werohia oli Te Puke'ist pärit Whetu Henare Kempton-Werohia ja Margery Dinah Kempton-Werohia poeg. Pärast Uus-Meremaal lendamise põhikoolitust saadeti seersant Kempton-Werohia Kanadasse Ontariosse pommitus- ja relvakooli. Traagiliselt hukkus ta koolitusõnnetuses ja maeti Ontario osariigi Beechwoodi kalmistule.

Lendav ohvitser Kingi Te Aho Aho Gilling Tahiwi oli Ngāti Raukawa päritolu ja pärit Wellingtoni lähedal asuvast Ōtakist. Kingi oli enne Uus -Meremaa kuninglike õhujõududega liitumist Wellingtoni raadiodiktor. Pärast väljaõpet ja välismaale saatmist saadeti tema RAF -eskadrill Vahemerele, kuhu ta Põhja -Aafrika kampaania ajal lendas. Lendav ohvitser Kingi Tahiwi lasti maha ja tapeti El Alameini lahingu ajal ning teda mälestatakse Alameini mälestusmärgil El Alameini sõjakalmistul.

Kahjuks annab iganädalane uudiste aukirjas iga sõjaväelase nimi, auaste ja sünnikoht ainult tema pataljoni või üksuse kohta. Üksusteabe puudumisel on valitud viis maoori perekonnanime või selgelt tuvastatavate näojoontega sõduri kirjeldamiseks kasutada pealkirja ‘Maailmasõda, 1939-1945 – Osalemine, Māori. ’ Siiski on üks andmebaas, mis aitab leida üksusi, kuhu sõdurid kuulusid, on Aucklandi sõjamälestusmuuseum ja#8217s Cenotaph andmebaas. Kui selle põhjal on sõdureid selgelt võimalik identifitseerida 28. maoori pataljoni liikmetena, oleme kasutanud teemarubriiki ‘Uus -Meremaa. Armee. Pataljon, 28 ja#8217 nende kirjelduse osana.

Kui suurem osa 1942. aasta aumärgis olnud maoori sõjaväelasi pärines 28. maoori pataljonist, siis oli üksikuid erandeid. Sel juhul, kui olid teada pataljonid või üksused, kirjeldati neid sõdureid pealkirjadega: Uus -Meremaa. Armee. Pataljon [ja siis nende pataljoni number].

Näiteks reamees Frederick George Palmer oli Wellingtoni Kahutara Roberti ja Mare Palmeri poeg. Enne sõda töötas ta liinimehena Whanganui lähedal Mangaonoho hüdrotööstuses. Pärast värbamist sai reamees Palmer 25. (Wellingtoni) pataljoni liikmeks. Ta tapeti 23. novembril 1941 Sidi Rezeghi lahingu ajal.

Teine leitnant Colin Ormsby McGruther oli Tainui ja Ngāti Maniapoto päritolu ning pärit Pirongiast, kus ta oli põllumees. Teda edutati kiiresti väljaõppe ajal ja Uus -Meremaalt lahkudes oli ta 18. (Auckland, Bay of Plenty ja Waikato) pataljoni seersant. Pataljoni jäädes ülendati Colin alamleitnandiks. Ta sai haavata millalgi umbes oktoobris 1942, tõenäoliselt El Alameini lahingu ajal. Kui pataljon muudeti oktoobris 1943 18. soomusrügemendiks, sai Colinist tankikomandör. Õnneks elas ta sõja ja Uus -Meremaa Teataja registreeris, et ta oli major, kui ta kanti veebruaris 1958 armee pensionäride nimekirja.

John Russell Hayward oli Rotorua päritolu Cecil Haywardi ja Elizabeth Raureti Mokonniarangi (võib -olla Raureti Mokonuiarangi) poeg. John identifitseeriti kui maoori. Enne sõda töötas ta ametnikuna. Pärast koolitust saadeti ta 20. (Canterbury) pataljoni ja ülendati Lance -seersandiks, kui ta tapeti 27. novembril 1941. aastal Sidi Rezeghi lahingus. Ta maeti Liibüas Acroma linnas Knightsbridge'i sõjakalmistule.

Seersant Robert Gordon Aro oli pärit Aucklandist Ponsonbyst. Enne tööleasumist oli ta monteerija ja pöörleja. Pärast koolitust saadeti ta Uus -Meremaa armee teenistuskorpusesse, kuna tal oli oskusi sõidukeid hooldada. Seersant Aro võitis oma sõjalise medali enamiku tema alluvuses olevate veoautode päästmise eest, kui neid vaenlase tankid 25. novembril 1941 Sidi Rezeghi lahingu ajal ründasid.

Teised siin kirjutatud sõdurid on Cenotaphi andmebaasi poolt selgelt määratletud kui 28. maori pataljoni kuuluvad. Pange siiski tähele, et sõdurite ja#8217 nimed kirjutati aukirjas sageli valesti. Tundub, et kaitseministeeriumi ametnikud ei viitsinud kontrollida maoori nimede õiget vormi või õigekirja. Kui ohvrite nimekirjad edastati Nädala uudised avaldamiseks eeldati, et need on õiged ja neid ei seatud kahtluse alla. Seega korrati vigu kontrollimata. Sel juhuslikul viisil renderdati reamehe Manu Kuru Te Rore ’ nimi valesti kui ‘Private M.K. Terore. ’ reamees Te Rore tuli Kaigavast, Dargaville lähedalt. Enne sõda oli ta põllumees. Pärast väljaõpet saadeti ta 28. maori pataljoni. Reamees Te Rore tapeti 23. novembril 1941 ja seda mäletatakse Alameini mälestusmärgil.

Teine sõdur, kelle nime valesti kirjutati, oli reamees Natanahira Wiwarena, kelle nimi muudeti kui ‘privaatne N. Waiwarena. ’ Natanahira oli pärit Te Arawa ja oli pärit Whakarewarewast. Enne tööleasumist oli ta tööline. Pärast koolitust saadeti ta 28. maori pataljoni ja teenis Lääne kõrbes. Reamees Wiwarena tapeti 26. augustil 1942, tõenäoliselt El Alameini esimese lahingu lõppjärgus. Ta maeti Egiptuses El Alameini sõjakalmistule.

Reamees Rawiri Ngatoro oli tuntud ka kui Dave Ngatoro. Siiski Nädala uudised tema foto pealdis salvestas tema nime kui ‘privaatne R. Ngatora. ’ Rawiri tuli Te Araroast ja oli enne tööleasumist tööline. Pärast väljaõpet saadeti ta tööle Lääne kõrbes asuvasse 28. maori pataljoni. Cenotaphi andmebaasis pole tema kohta palju rohkem teavet, kuid vastavalt Nädala uudised Reamees Ngatoro tapeti kogemata 1942. aasta alguses.

Mõnes Aukarulli tiitris jäeti maoori nimed üldse välja. Reamees Robert Aperahama Oliphant Stewart salvestati just kui ‘privaatne Robert Oliphant Stewart. Stewart. Robert väitis, et on pärit Mataatua wakast ja ta tuli Whakatane'ist, kus ta oli enne värbamist trükkija. Ta kuulus 28. maoori pataljoni ja tapeti 16. detsembril 1941 operatsiooni Crusader käigus. Teda meenutatakse Alameini mälestusmärgil.

Veelgi silmatorkavam viga tehti (või võeti üle) õnnetu sõduri puhul, kes on registreeritud reamees K.P. Wirlpo teadmatus maoori keelest või lihtsalt halb trükkimine? Kui ma otsisin Cenotaphi andmebaasi, ei leidnud see sellist nime ega isegi keegi nimega K.P. Wiripo. Õnneks saab Cenotaphi andmebaasi otsingut kohandada, nii et otsisin kõik ohvrid tema kodulinna Herekino järgi. See leidis Kupu Penewiripo. Ja huvitaval kombel olid tema vanemad kantud Cenotaphi andmebaasi kui hr Pene Wiripo ja proua Ere Pene Wiripo. 28. Māori pataljonide nimekiri kinnitas, et võttis end Kupu Penewiripoks, kuid näitas ka, et ta on hiljem pataljoni sõjapäevikusse salvestatud reamehe Kupu Pene Wiripona. Kupu oli enne tööleasumist tööline. Pärast väljaõpet saadeti ta 28. maori pataljoni. Kahjuks registreeris sõjapäevik, et reamees Pene Wiripo lasi end 12. novembril 1942 kogemata maha ja uurimiskohus jõudis järeldusele, et ta suri õnnetuse tõttu. 28. maoori pataljoni ametlikus ajaloos oli kirjas, et ta suri tegevteenistuses. Kupu Pene Wiripo maeti Egiptuses Halfaya Sollumi kalmistule.

II leitnant Pineāmine Taiapa (Ngāti Porou) on rohkem tuntud kui maoori kunstnik ja nikerdaja kui sõjaväeline karjäär. Onu kasvatatud Pineāmine sai hariduse matauranga maori keeles ja õppis Te Aute kolledžis. Temast sai Māori All Black ja ta mängis nende 1922. aasta ringreisil Austraalias, enne kui hakkas õppima nikerdamist, algul kodus Tikitikis ja seejärel äsja loodud Roriua maoori kunstide koolis. Teise maailmasõja ajaks oli ta juba töötanud paljude Aotearoa koosolekumajade kallal, sealhulgas Waitangi sajanda juubeli majas. Māori juhina määrati ta 28. maoori pataljoni teise leitnandiks, kuid sai 15. detsembril 1941 operatsiooni Ristisõda ajal lahingutes haavata. Ta naasis pataljoni ja ülendati kapteniks oktoobris 1942. Pärast sõda töötas ta taastusohvitserina, enne kui ta naasis oma töö juurde tunnustatud meister-nikerdajana, mängides olulist rolli maoori kultuuriuuenduses.

Kolonelleitnant Eruera Te Whiti o Rongomai Love oli esimene maoori ohvitser, kes juhtis 28. maori pataljoni. Kolonelleitnant Love oli tuntud ka kui Eruera Te Whiti Rongomai, Tiwi või Tui. Eruera oli pärit Te Āti Awa ja oli pärit Petonest. Enne sõda töötas ta tõlgina. Ta oli ka territoriaalne ja kompaniiülem Wellingtoni linna rügemendi 1. pataljonis. Ta viidi üle armee peakorterisse, et aidata moodustada Māori pataljon. 1940. aastal astus ta pataljoni kapteniks. Teda mainiti väljasaatmistes, kuna ta juhtis osavalt Māori pataljoni selle ajutise ülemana novembris ja detsembris 1941. Seejärel sai temast 13. mail 1942 esimene maoori ohvitser, kes ülendati pataljoni juhtimiseks. Kolonelleitnant Love tapeti aga 12. juulil 1942 El Alameini esimese lahingu ajal. Ta maeti El Alameini sõjakalmistule.


Pika valge pilve maa

Nagu maoori legend räägib, leidsid Kupe ja tema meeskond Hawaikist esimesena Uus -Meremaa. Pärast raskusi kalapüügiga kodumaa lähedal kasutas Kupe suurepäraseid navigeerimisoskusi, et leida uus maa ookeani hoovuste, tuule, tähtede, lindude ja lainekujude abil.

Väidetavalt andis Kupe ’lugeja Kuramarotini Uus -Meremaale oma eesnime Aotearoa, mis tähendab ” pika valge pilve maad ”. Kupe ja meeskond uurisid Põhjasaare ja Cooki väina osi (Põhja- ja Lõunasaare vahel). Hokianga Põhjamaal oli esimene koht, mis sai nime.

& kopeeri Public Domain

Teine maailmasõda 1939-1945

Meil on väga erinevaid dokumente Uus -Meremaa osalemise kohta Teises maailmasõjas. Enamik on armee rekordid, kuid on ka mõned õhuväe (RNZAF) ja mereväe (RNZN) rekordid.

Juurdepääsu mõningatele Teise maailmasõja rekorditele saab Wellingtoni registritoas asuva sõjaajaloo harukaardi registri kaudu. Teise maailmasõja sõjaarhiivide üksikasjalikke nimekirju vt 3., 4. ja 5. köitest köites 3, 4 ja 5 ADQZ agentuuri märkuses.

Üksikasjalikke ametlikke kontosid leiate sõjaajaloo osakonna avaldatud ametlikest sõjaajalugudest veebis aadressil NZ Electronic Text Collection.

Kuigi Uus-Meremaa oli Teiseks maailmasõjaks vähem valmis kui esimeseks, oli 1940. aasta keskpaigaks alustanud umbes 20 000 meest teenistust ülemeremaade teenistuses 2. Uus-Meremaa ekspeditsiooniväes (2 NZEF). Nad läksid kõigepealt Lähis -Itta, Kreekasse ja Suurbritanniasse. Hiljem pidid paljud sõdima ka Põhja -Aafrikas ja Itaalias.

Uus -Meremaa saatis esmakordselt väed Vaiksesse ookeani, Fidži, novembris 1940. Pärast sõja kuulutamist Jaapani vastu detsembris 1941 saadeti palju rohkem sõdureid Vaiksesse ookeani, kuigi osa viidi hiljem Itaaliasse.

Kodukaitse Uus -Meremaal oli oluline jõud, kuni Jaapani ähvardus leevenes 1943. aasta lõpus.

Teise maailmasõja ajal teenis ülemereterritooriumil Uus -Meremaalt kokku umbes 105 000 meest ja naist. Neist ligi 7000 suri aktiivse armee teenistuses ja kokku üle 11 000 kõigis teenistustes. Samuti sai haavata ligi 16 000 inimest. Ohvreid oli teenistusmeestest ja naistest palju väiksem osa kui Esimeses maailmasõjas.

Teise maailmasõja personalitoimikuid hoitakse Uus -Meremaa kaitseväe personaliarhiivis, mitte meie juures. Juurdepääsu saamiseks võite nendega ühendust võtta.

(Vaenlane) Teise maailmasõja ajal vaadake meie kodakondsuse uurimisjuhendit.

VC ja muu vapruse auhinnad AAYS 8665 rekordid 1 - 93 ja AALJ 18806

Rolls & Citations ADQZ 18886 kirjed eesliitega DA 409

Failid Uus -Meremaa elanike eriauhindade kohta, sealhulgas teiste valitsuste antud teenetemärgid. AAYS 8638 alamseeria 248/ & 323/

Nimekiri: „Taotlemata mälestusrullid aktiivteenistuses hukkunutele” AAYS 20193

Kaupmeeste mereväe sõjamedalikaardi register ABPL 7461 kastid 47-49

Enamik neist Teise maailmasõja toimikutest leidub riikliku teenistuse osakonna (erikohtu- ja apellatsioonikomisjoni kirjed) ja tööosakonna ringkonnaametite (kohusetundlike esitajate toimikud) dokumentides. Märkus: mõiste „kohusetundlik esitaja” kehtib nii ajateenistuse kui ka ametiühinguliikme kohta

Riiklik teenistusosakond - ringkonna kontorid - Piiratud.

Tribunal Appeal Registers (Auckland) AEJC 19018

Isiklikud toimikud (Christchurch) AEJH 18946

Apellatsiooniregistrid jne (Dunedin) AEJI 18953

Isiklikud failid (Alam -Hutt) AEJF 18947

Isiklikud failid (Wellington) AEJG 18952

Armee ja tööosakonnad (Juurdepääs võivad kehtida piirangud)

Distsipliin, kinnipidamine, vangistus, desertöörid (kõige üldisemalt mõni isik) AAYS 8638 alamseeria 310/ kastid 1290-1292

Kohusetundlikud vastuväited - sõjaline väljaõpe ACGV 8823

Sõjakohtud 1916-1987 Piiratud(Teise maailmasõja failid pole Archway avalikult loetletud) ABOO 25419

Uus-Meremaa kodukaitse oli olemas 1940. aasta keskpaigast. See asutati armee koosseisu augustis 1941, see vormistati 1942. aasta alguses ja likvideeriti 1943. aasta lõpus. Tippajal osales selles umbes 123 000 meest. Mõningaid rekordeid, kuid mitte ühtegi täisrulli, hoitakse.

Erinevad failid, enamasti administreerimine AAYS 8638 alamseeria 281/ & 304/

Ametisse nimetamine komisjonidesse, ametnike nimekirjadesse jne. ADQZ 18899 alamseeriad 13/7/ja 13/12/

Tsiviiljutustused - sealhulgas kodukaitse AAQZ 18912 alamseeria 21/.

Kaks raamatut kodukaitse kohta:

Nancy Taylor Kodurind 1986, kd

Peter Cooke Uus -Meremaa kaitsmine 2000, 2. kd.

Personalifailid (nn duplikaatfailid) täiendavad NZDF -i arhiivides endiselt säilinud originaale - Piiratud. ABFK 18805 Ühinemine W3629

Ühikupäevikud ADQZ 18886 kirjed DA 68/1/7 - DA 68/1/73: kasutage registriruumis WAII -kaardi indekseid, et tuvastada iga päeviku jaoks konkreetne kuupäevavahemik.

postuumselt VC auhind - ACGO 8333 plaati 171/70/4, 171/70/5

Muu 28. maoori pataljoni materjal on koos maoori asjade, välisasjade ja armeeosakondade toimikutega.

Teise maailmasõja kaardid Teise maailmasõja arhiivist ADQZ (endine WAII)

Peamised kaardiseeriad ADQZ 18904. Vaata ka agentuuri ADQZ kirjelduse 5. köidet

Dr Douglas Kennedy PACB 7375 plaanid (sarnased mõnele dokumendis ADQZ 18904, kuid mitte identsed)

Itaalia ja Põhja -Aafrika (74 kaarti) PACB 7375

El Alamein, Monte Cassino ja väli meditsiiniteenistus PACB 7376

Liitlaste garnison Tobruk AABK W4471 1. osas

Aastal Indeksikaardid kaarte võib leida ka rubriigi „Kaardid” või süsteemi kohanime kaudu (vt eespool). Üksuste kirjed sisaldavad ka kaarte. Vaata ka avaldatud töid ametlike sõjaajalugude kohta.

Enamik kahe NZEF -i meditsiinilisi andmeid, sealhulgas ametlikud aruanded, operatiivüksuse dokumendid, meditsiinilised narratiivid ja meditsiiniliste üksuste päevikud, on kogutud ühte arhiiviseeriasse. ADQZ 18903

Rullid sisaldavad tavaliselt: nime, arvu, auastet, ametit, üksust, abielu staatust, värbamiskohta, viimast Uus-Meremaa aadressi, lähisugulase nime ja aadressi. Mõnda korraldab brigaad või samalaadne üksus. Vaadake vastava kuupäevavahemiku kirjeid saidil AAYS 8657

Laevastamisrulle võib leida mujalt mitme osakonna registritest.

Nominaalsed rullid - 2NZEF 1940-1942 AAYO W3120 kast 1 osa 2 - 9

ADQZ 18886 Laevalemineku rull märksõna jaoks

Sõdurid naasevad ülemeremaadelt 1940-1941-nominaalsed rullid ADBO 16141 rekord 6/11/14 Piiratud.

Kaardi register Wellingtoni registriruumis annab üksikasjaliku kronoloogia laevale minekuks ja maandumiseks.

Teine maailmasõda ja J-Force (Jaapanis 1946–1948): peamiselt üksuste ajalugu ja haldustoimikud, kuid mõned failid sisaldavad üksikute õdede andmeid. AAYS 8682 eset 33-41

Kaks suuremat Teise maailmasõja (Vaikse ookeani) fotoseeriat:

Ametlikud fotod, mille on teinud RNZAF fotograafid NZ ja Vaikse ookeani piirkonnas. ADQA 17263 albumeid ja fotosid

Poolametlikud ja isiklikud fotod, Vaikse ookeani piirkond: enamasti armee (2 NZEF), aga ka mõni merevägi (RNZ) ADQZ 18905

Väiksemate kollektsioonide hulka kuuluvad:

Maoori relvajõududes (sealhulgas maoori pataljon, Vietnam ja Singapur) AAMK W3495 esemed 23f- 23q]

Naised sõjas AAUR W3263 kast 1 tk a

Tööosakonna ametlik sõjaajalugu

Fotode loend ADQZ 18912 kirje 128 osa 1 (kopeeritud ka armee osakonna loendi lisana L ARNZ 22499 kirje AD osa 6)

Fotod ADQZ 18912 salvestavad 128 osa 1, 2, 3 ja 4

NZ Patriotic Fund Board - Fotod: II maailmasõda ja pärast AAYO 25284

Fotosid võib leida ka Wellingtonis asuva Teise maailmasõja teemakaardi registri kaudu.

Teised asutused, näiteks Alexander Turnbulli raamatukogu ja teenindusmuuseumid, hoiavad olulisi Teise maailmasõja fotode kogusid.

Lisateavet fotode leidmise kohta meie arhiivist leiate meie fotograafia uurimisjuhendist.

Andmed, mis on seotud inimestega, kes olid sõjavangid (POW) või tsiviilelanikud interneesid välismaal.

Sõjavangide sektsioon - London ADQZ 18899 kast 21

Küsimustikud, mida 1947. aastal täitsid endised sõjavangid ja endised internatuurid. ADQZ 18902 kastid 50-53

Inimohvrid: sõjavangid vaenlase käes AAYS 8638 alamseeria 339/

Evakueerimine (sisaldab sõjavange) AAYS 8638 alamseeria 357

NZ Kadunud ja sõjavangide agentuur Tsiviilinterneeritavad (sh kaupmehed) Kaardiindeks 1939-1945 AAYS 8666 kirje 41

Liitlaste sõjavangid ja tsiviilisikud vaenlase territooriumil ACIE 8798 alamseeria 88

Tsiviilelanikud ja evakueeritavad ACGO 8333 alamseeria 171

Major Kippenbergeri isiklikud toimikud 1945–1954: endised sõjavangid aprillist 1949 kuni novembrini 1950 ACGO 8399 kast/kirje 2/9

2 NZEF-i liiget teatasid kadunutest ja sõjavangidest 1941-1957 ADBO 16141 rekord 11/6/21

Toetused Uus-Meremaa endistele sõjavangidele ADBO 16141 rekord 6/11/38

Sõjavangide laager - Featherston ADQZ 18899 kast 22-26

Internatsioonilaager-Somes Island 1939-1945 ADQZ 18899 kast 27-33

Mitmete asjakohaste failide kohta vt 8798 alamseeria 87/ ja alamseeria 89/.

Meie varud on piiratud. Nad sisaldavad:

Endiste sõjaväelaste rehabilitatsioonifailid on nime järgi loetletud. Piiratud. AADK 20203

Mõned sõjaväelased, kes kannatasid koorešoki all jne, veetsid aega Queen Mary haiglas, Hanmer Springsis. Vaata juhendit: Vaimne tervis.

Rehabilitatsiooniameti protokoll ja kirjavahetus AATK ja taastusravi osakond. AATL anda teavet taastusravi kohta.

Pensionid ja muud maksed ning abi Uus -Meremaale, Niuele, Rarotongale ja naabersaartele naasnud töötajatele ADBO 16141 alamseeria 11/.

Sõjaajaloo harukaartide kataloog, mis asub Wellingtoni lugemissaalis, pakub suurepärast võimalust juurdepääsu Teise maailmasõja ja J-Force (Jaapan) dokumentidele teemade kaupa.

Uus -Meremaa ametlike sõjaajalugude jaoks materjali kogumiseks koguti 2 NZEF -i ühikupäevikuid. Need päevikud on loetletud üksuse nime all. Vaadake nimekirja ADQZ agentuuri kirjelduse 4. ja 5. köites.

Iga päevik hõlmab tavaliselt kalendrikuud. Mõned on saadaval mikrofilmis. Iga päeviku jaoks konkreetse kuupäevavahemiku tuvastamiseks võib osutuda vajalikuks registriruumis kasutada WAII -kaardi indekseid.

Lähis -Ida ja Uus -Ida üksuste päevikud ADQZ 18886 salvestab DA 1 kuni DA 397

Vaikse ookeani ühikupäevikud ADQZ 18886 salvestab DAZ 1 kuni DAZ 543

Meditsiini- ja haiglaüksuste päevikud koos muu materjaliga ADQZ 18903

Kaks kaarti teise maailmasõja teenindajate haudade jaoks

Välismaal surnud sõjaväelaste sõjahaudade indeks: paigutatud matmiskoha järgi, kuid nende andmete kohta on indeks. AAAC 17726

Sõjaväliste haudade surnud eksteenistujate indeks (tähestikulises järjekorras) AAAC 21829

Muud asjakohased kirjed on:

Sõjahauad (erinevad vormingud) ACGO 8398

Sõjahauad, monumendid jne ACGO 8333 alamseeria 7/

Sõjapensionide ja sõjaveteranide taotlus, stipendiumid, matusetoetused, registrid jne. AADK 7916 Piiratud.


Perekonna ajalugu

Riiklik armeemuuseum pakub kohta, kus pered saavad otsida ja uurida teavet Uus -Meremaa veteranide ja relvajõududes teeninud pereliikmete kohta. Pakume suurepärast lähtepunkti avastusretke alustamiseks.

Vajadusel saavad meie töötajad aidata teil leida järgmist teavet: rügemendi number, auaste, üksus, värbamiskoht, amet, viimane NZ-aadress ja lähisugulaste nimi ja aadress. Pange tähele, et selle teenuse eest tuleb tasuda 5 dollarit. Seda teavet vajate teeninduspersonalist koopia taotlemisel.

Teenindustöötajate dokumentide kohta enne 1920. aastat võtke ühendust arhiiviga NZ ja kõigi dokumentidega alates 1920. aastast NZDF personaliarhiivist.

Kui teil on sõduri teenistusprotokolli koopia, saame teile soovitada lugemist ja aidata teil täiendavalt uurida sõjalisi operatsioone, liikumisi, kampaaniaid, kuupäevi, kaarte ja nii edasi, mis on seotud üksusega, millega teie sõdur võitles .

Meil on saadaval ka nominaalsed rullid, kus on loetletud kõik välismaal tegevteenistusse asunud sõdurid au rullid ja medalirullid.

Nominaalsed rullid

  • Keiserlik
  • Buuri sõda
  • Esimene maailmasõda
  • II maailmasõda
  • Pärast II maailmasõda (Korea, Vietnam, Ida -Timor)

Rolls of Honor

  • Esimene maailmasõda
  • II maailmasõda
  • Korea
  • Malaja
  • Vietnam
  • Pange tähele, et ametlikud rügemendi ajalood hõlmavad aunimetusi

Riiklikul armeemuuseumil on oma au rull kõikidele jõududele (armee, merevägi, õhuvägi ja kaubalaevastik) Pisarad Greenstone'il ja asub muuseumis. Tears on Greenstone'i mälestustunnistus on saadaval ostmiseks.

Medali rullid

Veebisaidid

Esimese ja Teise maailmasõja aumärk:

Teise maailmasõja rügemendi ja kampaaniate ajalugu:

Muud kasulikud saidid

“Me mäletame neid. Teie teekond algab siit. ”

Leidke kaasmaalasi Uus -Meremaa veterane ja uurige oma perekonna sõjaväelugu Rahvusarmee muuseumis.

Aadress:
Corner State Highway One
ja Hassett Drive
Waiouru, Uus -Meremaa


Teine maailmasõda ja selle mõju, 1939-1948

Kindral Smuts kirjutas lepingule alla ÜRO Peaassamblee esimesel koosolekul. Allikas: P. Joyce (2000), Suid-Afrika in die 20ste eeu Kaapstad: Struik, lk.107.

1939. aasta septembris puhkes II maailmasõda. Lõuna -Aafrikas jagunesid inimesed, kas nad peaksid sõjaga liituma või mitte, ja kui jah, siis kelle poolel nad peaksid võitlema. Kuigi Lõuna -Aafrika oli endiselt Suurbritannia territoorium, tundsid paljud afrikanlased sakslastele lähemale. Paljud neist olid saksa päritolu ja samastusid Saksamaa võitlusega Suurbritannia vastu. See probleem põhjustas lõhe Lõuna -Aafrika poliitikas. Sel hetkel juhtis riiki Ühendatud Partei, J B M Hertzogi Rahvuspartei (NP) ja J C Smuts Lõuna -Aafrika Partei (SAP) koalitsioon. Hertzog eelistas, et Lõuna -Aafrika jääb Teises maailmasõjas neutraalseks, samas kui Smuts soovis võidelda liitlaste poolel. Hertzog astus riigi peaministri kohalt tagasi ja tema järglaseks sai Smuts. Seejärel liitus Lõuna -Aafrika liitlastega sõjaga ja pidas suuri lahinguid Põhja -Aafrikas, Etioopias, Madagaskaril ja Itaalias.

Koalitsiooni ajal eraldus rahvusparteis olev rühmitus, mis oli vastu Ühendatud parteile, NP -st. Nad moodustasid taasühendatud rahvuspartei või Herenigde rahvuspartei (HNP), mida juhib DF Malan. Kui Hertzog 1939. aastal Ühendatud Parteist lahkus, liitus ta HNP -ga. Sellel parteil oleks pärast sõda tohutu roll.

Sõjajärgsed probleemid

Sõjal oli Lõuna -Aafrikale tohutu sotsiaalne ja majanduslik mõju. Kuld ja kaevandamine jäid riigi suurimaks tööstusharuks, kuid tootmine oli sõja ja erinevate tarnete vajaduse tõttu hakanud märkimisväärselt laienema. Töötlevas tööstuses hõivatute, eriti mustanahaliste meeste ja valgete naiste arv kasvas aastatel 1939–1945 60%.

Sõja rahalised kulud kaeti maksude ja laenudega. Sõjakulude maksumus oli umbes 600 miljonit naela. Sõja lõppedes oli Lõuna -Aafrikas tuhandete sõdurite tagasipöördumise tõttu varustuspuudus. Pärast sõda kaotas valitsev partei, Ühendatud Partei (UP) Smutsi juhtimisel palju toetust. Inimesed uskusid, et see ei suuda sõjajärgseid probleeme lahendada. Paljud valged inimesed tundsid, et Smutsil puudub selge poliitika mustanahaliste inimeste ja segregatsiooni käsitlemiseks.

Vastupanu ja kampaaniad

1940ndaid Lõuna -Aafrikas iseloomustasid poliitilised ja sotsiaalsed vastupanukampaaniad. Neid juhtisid mustad, indiaanlased ja värvilised. Allpool on mainitud erinevaid kampaaniaid, kuid neid pole mainitud ning oluline oli 1943. aastal käivitatud Mitte-Euroopa ühtsusliikumise (NEUM) moodustamine.

Muutused ANC -s ja ANCYL -i moodustumine

Alfred Xuma valiti ANC uueks presidendiks 1940. aastal © www.anc.org.za

Rõhu ees tekkisid vabastusliikumised nagu Aafrika Rahvuskongress, Lõuna -Aafrika Kommunistlik Partei ja tööorganisatsioonid valgete valitsustega opositsioonis, kuid tekkis küsimus: kas kõik vabastusliikumised olid hästi ette valmistatud valitsuse ja selle repressioonide väljakutseks esitamiseks? seadused? Kuigi Aafrika Rahvuskongress võttis võitluses juhtrolli, oli see kannatanud sisemiste probleemide käes ja soikunud.

Kuid 1940. aastal valiti dr Alfred Xuma ANC presidendiks ja ta hakkas organisatsiooni noorendama. Xuma andis võimaluse ANC Noorteliiga moodustamiseks, kui noored liikmed nagu Anton Lembede, Walter Sisulu ja Nelson Mandela kutsusid üles erakonda viivitamatult taaselustama, kui see loodab Aafrika enamuse vabale maale toimetada. Need noored liikmed arvasid, et ANC oli valitsusele vaidlustamiseks liiga mõõdukas ja ebaefektiivne. Paigaldusrõhu tagajärjel alates

need noored liikmed ANC -s, Kongressi Noorteliiga moodustati 1944. aastal. ANC Noorteliiga andis ANC -le tõuke. Noorteliiga soovis, et rakendataks ennetavamat lähenemist. Need muudatused stimuleerisid taktika muutmist ning Aafrika identiteedi ja nõudmiste tugevamat väljendamist, mis ilmneb ANC 1943. aasta aafriklaste nõuetes, Aafrika õiguste seaduseelnõus, mis oli osaliselt inspireeritud Atlandi hartast.

Valitsuse vastased väljakutsed tulid 1940. aastatel ka ANC naiste sektsioonist. 1943. aastal lubati naistel saada ANC täisliikmeteks. 1948. aastal moodustati Ida Mntwana juhtimisel ANC naiste liiga. Peale ANC naisliiga loodi ka teisi kogukondlikke organisatsioone, nagu Alexandra naisnõukogu.

Alexander Bussi boikottid

Esimene kampaania 1940ndatel toimus Alexandra alevikus. Alexandras oli kaks bussiboikotti aastatel 1940 ja 1944. Alexandra elanikud reageerisid juhtide üleskutsele positiivselt pärast seda, kui alevikus tegutsev bussifirma tegi mitu ähvardust tõsta piletihindu 4 penni pealt 5 pennile. Need boikotid levisid ka teistesse riigi osadesse.

Nendel vastupanukampaaniatel on mitu põhjust. Inimesed elasid väga halbades sotsiaalmajanduslikes tingimustes. Tööpuuduse ja vaesuse tase oli Alexandras väga kõrge ning inimesed reageerisid bussifirma pakutud uutele hindadele vihaselt. Elanikud lihtsalt ei saanud endale lubada kõrgemaid piletihindu. Bussiettevõtte juhtkonnaga läbirääkimiste pidamiseks ja kampaaniate korraldamiseks loodi sellised komisjonid nagu Alexandra rahvastranspordikomitee (APTC) ja Evatoni rahvastranspordi nõukogu (EPTC). Peale nende komiteede mängisid mobiliseerimisprotsessis keskset rolli Aafrika Rahvuskongress (ANC) ja Lõuna -Aafrika Kommunistlik Partei (CPSA) ning nende kampaaniate silmapaistvamad juhid olid Alexandra CS Ramahanoe (ANC) ja Gaur Radebe (CPSA) ja ANC), kes olid mõlemad transpordikomitees.

Teine Alexandra pendeldajate rahulolematuse põhjus oli odavamate alternatiivsete transporditeenuste puudumine tööle jõudmiseks. Nad tundsid, et bussifirma kavatsused võrduvad nende töölemineku takistamisega, kuna nad ei saa uusi hindu endale lubada. Kui olukord halvenes, hakkasid valitsus ja teised äriasutused, nagu Johannesburgi Kaubanduskoda, osalema ja püüdsid olukorda parandada.

Need kampaaniad said toetust ka mujalt riigist ning meeleavalduste taha kogunes rohkem kui 20 000 inimest. Seetõttu ei suutnud bussiettevõte oma kavandatud piletihindade tõusu ellu viia.

India passiivse vastupanu kampaania 1946

Natal India kongressi president dr GM Naicker esineb 26. juunil 1946. aastal toimunud passiivse vastupanu miitingul. © Mayibuye arhiiv, skannitud koopiast

Pärast busside boikoteerimist alustas India kogukond passiivse vastupanu kampaaniat aastatel 1946–1948. Kampaania oli reaktsioon Aasia maade valdamise ja India esindamise seaduse, hiljem geto seaduse, kehtestamisele. Eelnõu jõustati vaatamata India kogukonna vastuseisule. Natal India kongress ja Transvaali India kongress reageerisid sellele ülbusele, luues kampaania korraldamiseks passiivse vastupanu nõukogu. Nõukogusse kuulusid India Natali Kongressi president dr Naicker ja Transvaali India kongressi president dr Yusuf Dadoo.

Vastupanu käivitati 13. juunil 1946, kümme päeva pärast seaduseelnõu vastuvõtmist. See kampaania sai rahvusvaheliselt üldsuselt sümpaatse toetuse. Rahvusvahelisel tasandil oli ÜRO platvorm India kogukonnale laiemalt, et esitada vastuväiteid seadusele ja muudele samalaadsetele repressiivsetele seadustele. Paljud Aafrika riigid ja Lõuna -Aafrika vabastusliikumised kasutasid seda platvormi apartheidi vastu vastuväidete esitamiseks. Selle tulemusena tõusis rass rahvusvahelise probleemina esile.

1946. aasta Aafrika miinitöötajate streik

Miinitöötajad streigivad 1946 © Museum Africa

The number of African people living in towns nearly doubled in the 1940s, eventually outnumbering White residents. Most of these migrant workers had to live in shantytowns or townships on the outskirts of the cities, and living and working conditions were appalling. Many new trade unions were born during the 1940’s. As a result, workers wanted higher wages and better working conditions. By 1946, there were 119 unions with about 158 000 members demanding to be heard. The African Mineworkers Union (AMWU) went on strike in 1946 and 60 000 men stopped work in demanding higher pay. The police crushed the protest, shooting 12 people dead, but the workers had achieved their purpose in exposing and challenging the system of cheap labour.

State repression and the build up to the 1948 election

In 1947, the Native Representative Council (NRC) demanded the removal of all discriminatory laws. Little did the NRC know that after the 1948 elections, these laws would become even more discriminatory under the policy of Apartheid.

The UP based its 1948 election campaign on a report by the Natives Law or Fagan Commission. It was appointed in 1947 to look into Pass Laws to control the movement of African people in urban areas.

The Fagan Commission reported that "the trend to urbanisation is irreversible and the Pass Laws should be eased". The Commission said it would be unlikely that black people could be prevented from coming to the cities where there were more jobs. They depended on this to survive as the reserves in the rural areas where they were supposed to live held few options for a livelihood. In other words, total segregation would be impossible. The report did not encourage social or political mingling of races but did suggest that urban labour should be stabilised, as workers were needed for industries and other businesses.

Contrary to this, the HNP felt that complete segregation could be achieved. They encouraged the creation of a migrant labour pool with black people being allowed temporary stays in cities for the purpose of work only. In this way, there would be a cheap labour reservoir for industries without black families actually living in towns. The HNP also supported the existence of political organisations within the African reserves, so long as they had no representation in parliament. Malan called for discriminatory legislation, like the prohibition of mixed marriages, the banning of black trade unions and reserving jobs for white people, further oppressing black people.


Sisu

It had long been felt in New Zealand that the four volume 'popular' history of the New Zealand Expeditionary Force after the First World War had not matched the standard set by the Official History of Australia in the War of 1914–1918, edited by Charles Bean. In 1940, with a view to the production of an official history of New Zealand's contributions to the Second World War, an archivist was appointed to the headquarters of the 2nd New Zealand Expeditionary Force (2NZEF) to ensure the preservation of important documentation and records. Ώ] He was joined by Eric McCormick, a published literary and art historian, in 1941. ΐ] After he became aware of the progress made on the Australian official history, McCormick pushed for progress on New Zealand's own efforts in this regard. By 1944, the New Zealand government had decided to appoint an Official Historian who would be Editor-in-Chief of an official history which would not only cover the military contribution to the war effort, but also the efforts of the New Zealand people. Ώ ]

McCormick was recalled to New Zealand from 2NZEF headquarters and appointed Official War Archivist. He set about collecting and cataloging documents necessary for the official history. To produce the official history, an appropriate organisation was required Ώ] and accordingly the War History Branch (later to become the Historical Publications Branch) of the Department of Internal Affairs was established in 1945. McCormick would run the War History Branch until an Editor-in-Chief was appointed. Α ]

To head up the War History Branch, Major General Howard Kippenberger was approached in April 1945. A former commander of the 2nd New Zealand Division, he had been identified the previous year by New Zealand's prime minister, Peter Fraser, as being the ideal candidate for the position. Kippenberger, a keen student of military history, was working in England on the repatriation of former prisoners of war to New Zealand when the position was first offered. Although he accepted the offer, he did not return to New Zealand to start work on his new role until mid 1946. Β]


Māori in the First World War

The 1902 Māori Coronation Contingent asked Premier Richard Seddon to present their address to the new king concerning equal rights and the British refusal to allow indigenous troops to fight in South Africa. (Wairoa District Museum, 96/115/83)

This extract from Monty Soutar’s new book Whitiki! Whiti! Whiti! E! Māori in the First World War focuses on the New Zealand that Māori knew when war broke out in 1914. It begins with this edited foreword by the former Governor-General, Sir Jerry Matepaere:

Monty Soutar’s Whitiki! Whiti! Whiti! E! helps to tell the story, and the stories of the men, of the Māori Contingent at Gallipoli and the Māori (Pioneer) Battalion on the Western Front. As the saying goes: “It wasn’t all beer and skittles”, although there was some of that.

In all, 2227 Māori and 458 Pacific Islanders served with the battalion. Of those, 336 men were killed or died overseas, and a further 24 died in New Zealand of injuries sustained during the war.

It is stating the obvious to observe that New Zealand in 1914 was significantly different from contemporary New Zealand — technologically, socially, culturally and attitudinally. Good, sad and appalling things had occurred since the signing of the Treaty of Waitingi in 1840.

When war was declared in August 1914, it was only four months since veterans of the last major battle in the Waikato campaign had gathered at Ōrākau to commemorate its 50th anniversary.

There had been many other battles and transgressions and so, although some iwi were keen to support the momentum of “the Empire to the rescue”, some were opposed to sending their young men to fight in a European war. Nevertheless, there was a groundswell of support, and young Māori men keen to join for the fight enlisted, with the first 500 departing for the Middle East in February 1915.

Coming from warrior traditions, much was expected of the young men. The book traces the experiences of the Māori contingents through Egypt, Malta and Gallipoli to Europe, and finally their homecoming in April 1919.

After the Gallipoli campaign, and with doubts that Māori could sustain a frontline battalion, it was decided that the Māori contingent would be redesignated as a Pioneer battalion. In some quarters, the term “pioneer” has been associated with second-class soldiering. This book shows clearly that that was not the case — three Distinguished Service Orders, nine Military Crosses, four Distinguished Conduct Medals, 29 Military Medals and 39 mentions in despatches attest to that.

From the spine-chilling haka the contingent performed before it went into its first fight below Chunuk Bair in 1915, to the Māori soldier who defied orders and was among the first to enter Le Quesnoy in November 1918, these men set the standard for Māori and Pākehā alike, and especially for their sons and nephews, who would carry their mantle into the Second World War.

This book is part of the First World War Centenary History series produced jointly by Manatū Taonga (the Ministry for Culture and Heritage), Massey University and the New Zealand Defence Force. The publications cover the major campaigns in Europe and the Middle East, New Zealanders’ contributions in the air and at sea, the experiences of soldiers at the front and civilians at home, the Māori war effort, and the war’s impact and legacy.

Monty Soutar’s Whitiki! tells the story of Māori and Pākehā, and of Cook Islanders, Niueans, Fijians, Sāmoans and Tongans, transported to unfamiliar climes and locations. It is a story of elation and despair of candour, evidenced in the words of the men — much of it expressed in their first language, Māori and of their courage, commitment and comradeship. The disdain of Māori women denied the right to fight alongside their menfolk, as they had done in previous wars, is a reminder of different norms in different eras. This book adds much to our knowledge of our place in the world.

GNZM, QSO, Governor-General of New Zealand (2011–2016),

King Te Rata Mahuta, Tupu Taingakawa (the king’s tumuaki/spokesman), Hori Paora, and Mita Karaka in 1914. They left New Zealand in April, witnessed the proclamation of war in London and returned to Auckland in September. (Auckland War Memorial Museum / Tamaki Paenga Hira, GN672-1n18.)

The Outbreak of War

A four-man delegation led by King Te Rata Mahuta of Waikato was in London when the United Kingdom declared war on Germany on 4 August 1914. The party had visited Buckingham Palace to present King George V with a petition asking for the restoration of lands confiscated from Māori.

They were waiting for a ship home when London seemed to go mad. At Charing Cross station they watched women and children crying as trains full of Frenchmen left for home to fight, while in the street below their hotel balcony, 10,000 London Scots volunteers marched to camp. The might of the British Empire and the speed with which it could mobilise its forces was abundantly evident.

Just weeks earlier, few people in the United Kingdom had anticipated war, especially as the British had not been involved in a conflict in Europe since the defeat of Napoleon at Waterloo almost a century earlier.

In New Zealand, there was a feeling that war was possible, but no one expected it so soon. The public learned of it on the afternoon of 5 August. In Parliament, Prime Minister W.F. (Bill) Massey expressed confidence that he could secure “tomorrow … thousands of young fellows of the Native race … anxious to fight for the country and the Empire.”

But was this the case? The internal wars of the 1860s, the subsequent land confiscations and the invasion of Parihaka in 1881 remained fresh in the memories of many Māori. Had the resulting resentments subsided sufficiently for their youth to volunteer enthusiastically?

Trainee Ngāpuhi nurses who travelled long distances on horseback to treat the sick. Their uniforms resembled those of the mounted troopers in South Africa. Descendants of well-known Ngāpuhi chiefs, the nurses are back (left to right): Sgt A. Calkin, Bugler M. Kaire. Front: Sgt-Maj. C. Calkin, Capt. Kingi and Lt G. Waetford.

Life in 1914

Like other New Zealanders, most Māori began 1914 more absorbed with the Auckland Exhibition — a world’s fair held over the summer in the Domain — than with political developments in Europe. Twelve boys of Te Kao Native School captured the headlines when they walked with their headmaster the 325 miles from their Far North village to see the exhibition.

Māori interested in sport were following the progress of the touring Australian cricket team, which played its first game in Hamilton. A smallpox epidemic was still of concern to Māori in Northland and Waikato, where 30 had died — especially as they could only travel by train if issued a pass by the Public Health Department.

Kīngitanga iwi were involved with the annual Māori regatta on the Waikato River that had been combined with the New Zealand rowing championships. They had also become peripherally associated with the commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of the Battle of Ōrākau, which a Pākehā committee was organising.

Ngāi Te Rangi were working with the Tauranga Borough Council to plan the unveiling of a monument to their rangātira (chief), Rawiri Puhirake. While most Māori Anglicans on the eastern seaboard were focused on the election of a new bishop for the Waiapu diocese, Ngāti Porou were at Papawai mourning the loss of their chief Tuta Nihoniho. Ngāti Huia were preparing to open the whare tīpuna (ancestral house) Tama-te-hura at Ōtaki.

While New Zealand had been elevated from a colony to a dominion of the British Empire in 1907, it was still obliged to follow Britain into war. Its symbols of nationhood — a flag (1902) and a Coat of Arms (1911) — were still relatively new, and patriotic functions usually took place under the Union Jack rather than the Southern Cross.

The currency was British pounds, shillings and pence. Fridges, freezers, dryers and flush toilets were conveniences of the future. There was no junk food or plastic, and cardboard was still a novelty. Most families used firewood to heat their stoves for cooking, while candles or oil lamps illuminated their dwellings at night.

With its suburbs, Auckland had a population of 100,000 and was the country’s main industrial centre and its largest city. The next biggest towns in the northern half of the North Island were Gisborne, with just over 8000 people, and the mining town of Waihi (nearly 6500). Very few Māori lived in these centres the great majority were still rural dwellers.

Since the completion of the Main Trunk Line in 1908, the journey from Wellington to Auckland could be made by train in eighteen hours. Travel beyond the rail network was more arduous. Tar seal was only just beginning to be applied to some roads. The many unbridged rivers and streams were dangerous to ford in wet weather. Vehicles regularly bogged down in mud and suffered frequent punctures.

Travel by sea provided access to the many small bays, but was equally tedious. Where there was no dock or jetty, passengers had to be landed by launches or in surfboats from small coastal steamers. Overland travel in the countryside was on horseback, by horse-drawn coach or on foot. Motor cars were low-powered and expensive — an average five-seater cost about £190 and a two-seater £175, more than many public servants’ annual salaries. “Judging by the great number of these in use,” reported one newspaper of a hui in Ōtaki, “it would appear that the motor is regarded by the Māori as almost a necessity in these go-ahead times.”

Aeroplanes were a novelty in January 1914 Joseph Hammond had become the first person to fly over Auckland city.

Telephones were used mainly by businesses, for local calls only. During the war, “someone in the family would be given the task of walking to the post office to write down the latest war news from the notice board outside”.

Saturday was known as “Rahoroi” (washday) because it took much of the day to handwash and dry linen and clothing. The old method of washing clothes was just beginning to be replaced by portable boilers.

People beyond one’s town or village were contacted by telegram (also known as a cablegram) or handwritten letter.

Every sizeable town had a racecourse, public hall, sports grounds, billiard saloons and hotels. Rugby football, rugby league, cricket, golf, hockey, “soccer” (association football), tennis, bowls, boxing, athletics and woodchopping were all in vogue.

The most popular entertainment was the “pictures”, silent movies screened in theatres, often to the accompaniment of live music played by small orchestras. Affluent households owned gramophones (phonographs) in addition to other trappings of modernity: player pianos, books, comfortable chairs.

Race Relations

Pākehā and Māori had entrenched views of each other that were based largely on perceived racial differences. Pākehā blamed Māori, for example, for spreading smallpox (brought to Northland by a Mormon missionary) during the 1913 outbreak. The press labelled it “the Māori epidemic”, some education boards instructed teachers not to admit “Māori and half-caste children until they can present certificates of successful vaccination”, and the health authorities invoked regulations preventing Māori in the Auckland region from travelling unless they could prove they had been vaccinated.Some restaurant owners went as far as barring Māori from their premises.

For their part, Māori saw the epidemic as a convenient excuse for Pākehā businesspeople to discriminate against them. Māori views were shaped both by decades of inequity and by a strongly developed sense of community in which there was little place for individualism. For many Pākehā, by contrast, individual ownership, rights and duties were foremost.

This Pākehā sense of cultural superiority was derived from the United Kingdom (where more than a quarter of the Pākehā population had been born) and it was also prevalent in the media.

The local press provided an essentially one-eyed view of Māori, often cast as a comic character, and saw little need to reflect Māori opinion. There were few constraints on the free expression of prejudice (sometimes vicious) and bigotry. Alfred Grace’s fictional “Hone Tiki” dialogues are an example of a patronising style of writing that mocked Māori speech.“I come from Kawhia … I come to get t’e money of t’e Gover’ment for t’e piece land t’ey buy from me an’ my brutter.”

While Pākehā thought Māori capable of learning a trade or working the land, most believed them incapable of entering the “learned professions”. This attitude was evident in the Native School curriculum, which beyond basic reading, writing and arithmetic, emphasised manual instruction, personal hygiene and (later) physical education.

Māori concert parties were popular throughout New Zealand. This group, photographed at Wairaka meeting house in 1912, was Whakatane-based. Some of them served overseas during the war.

In 1906, after a royal commission had inquired into Te Aute College for boys, headmaster John Thornton was pressured “to abandon his academic curriculum and adopt a technical one centred on agricultural studies”. When he refused, the Department of Education “curtailed financial scholarships”. To counter Māori objections to a technical curriculum, the Inspector-General of Education said that this would help Māori recognise “the dignity of manual labour”.

And the Inspector of Native Schools “declared that the purpose of Māori education was to prepare Māori for life amongst Māori, not to encourage them to mingle with Europeans in trade and commerce”. Captain Peter Buck (Te Rangi Hiroa) wrote from Egypt during the war that he had seen this prejudice at first hand: “Though living side by side, the Pākehā knows very little about the Māori and in many cases he thinks the Māori has degenerated.”

For more than 50 years “the schooling of Māori had been used as a means of social control and assimilation, and for the establishment of British law”. The reading material in Native Schools in 1914 reflected and reinforced an emphasis on English race and culture while inculcating patriotism. Intellectual development took second place to manual instruction in the curriculum, sowing the seeds of low teacher expectations, undermining traditional Māori knowledge, and developing “resistance, negativity and apathy towards school and education” among Māori pupils and parents alike. The immediate result was fewer career options for Māori, with manual labouring seen as a natural vocation. Such attitudes were entrenched by 1914, a fact reflected by the status given the Māori Contingent.

Although few Pākehā spoke Māori, younger Māori in particular were fluent in English. This worried some parents. “Woe is me,” remarked one mother to her husband in Māori, “our children have knowledge … we cannot share and speak a tongue … we do not understand.” The older members of nearly all North Island iwi conversed in Māori, except when addressing Pākehā.

South Island Māori were less likely to speak their native tongue because they were such a small minority of the population. Because Māori was not taught in schools (where its use had been banned a decade earlier) or universities, the language lacked prestige. Teachers in the Native Schools “were not expected to know Māori and were … discouraged from learning it on the assumption that it would lessen their efficiency in teaching English”.

The tangihanga of the Whanganui leader Takarangi Metekingi in 1915. The procession leaves Putiki Pā for the burial ground. Some Pākehā claimed that such gatherings were nurseries for disease.

A Pākehā entering a Māori community “was very much aware that he was in a world different from his own”. Pākehā often criticised the duration and expense of hui (tribal gatherings), an established Māori institution. The larger and more lavish these were, the greater the mana (prestige) acquired by the hosts. Mana was measured not by what was accumulated but by what was given away.

Using profits to benefit the wider group through hui was not ethically inferior to Pākehā using surpluses to benefit individuals. Moreover, hui enabled Māori to develop public and tribal opinion on topics of common interest, and to publicise projects. It was the hui, not the newspaper, that provided a forum for airing and criticising opinions. Hui also produced some of the country’s ablest orators.

As with Pākehā, Māori incomes varied greatly. Some Māori were well-off, able to buy modern luxuries, while others struggled to afford necessities. Conditions varied widely from settlement to settlement and region to region, and generalising about Māori lifestyles is problematic.

A few whānau, usually those of chiefly bloodlines who had benefited most from the individualisation of land titles, lived in large European-style houses. At the other extreme, especially where raupatu (land confiscation) had occurred, large extended families covering three or four generations were crowded into raupo whare, temporary tin shelters, or one- or two-room wooden huts with leaking walls and roofs, sack-covered windows and earthen floors. Some rural Pākehā lived in similar conditions, but this was uncommon.

Some Māori lived in dark, damp and inadequately ventilated dwellings unfit for habitation. Moreover, there was usually no form of drainage and houses were surrounded by mud and slush in wet weather. More than half of the Māori population did not have a safe water supply, and some broadcast excreta and discarded rubbish on their properties without burying it. Animals such as pigs and fowls were free to roam about and sometimes to enter houses. Nevertheless, 90 per cent of Māori homes were neat and tidy inside, their earthen floors kept scrupulously clean, no matter how dilapidated they appeared from the outside.

Many Māori still grew their own staple crops of kumara and potatoes, and regularly gathered fish, dried shark, koura/crayfish and other shellfish if they were coast-dwellers, and wild pigs, kereru/New Zealand pigeon, tuna/eel and puha/sow thistle if they lived inland. Foraging skills were to prove useful for Māori soldiers overseas. By custom food preparation and cooking was conducted away from the living quarters, either outside or under a separate shelter (kauta).

Māori children, especially girls, generally had a sheltered upbringing. Heeni Wharemaru, who was born in 1912 in a dirt-floor, ponga-walled house in Kamate, described her childhood as idyllic. When her Ngāti Maniapoto parents were not around, her brothers kept her safe.

Most children were also exposed to spirituality, be it Christian, Māori or a combination of both. “In the evenings we sometimes sat and listened to our mum and dad tell stories about kehua, or ghosts,” recalled Heeni, who grew up Methodist. “I can remember quite distinctly my dad being held up by a group of ghosts who were sitting right across the road, blocking his way. He had no choice but to get off his horse and talk to them.”

This extract is from Whitiki! Whiti! Whiti! E! Māori in the First World War written by Monty Soutar and published by Bateman Publishing (RRP: $69.99)

Monty Soutar ONZM (Ngāti Porou, Ngāti Awa, Ngāi Tai, Ngāti Kahungunu) is a senior historian with Manatū Taonga / The Ministry for Culture and Heritage. He was the World War One Historian-in-Residence at the Auckland War Memorial Museum (2014−17), and the author of Nga Tama Toa (David Bateman, 2008), which told the story of C Company of 28 (Māori) Battalion in the Second World War. Monty has been a teacher, soldier and university lecturer and has held a number of appointments on national bodies, including the First World War Centenary Panel and the Waitangi Tribunal. He’s now leading a digital project on Te Tiriti o Waitangi settlements in Aotearoa.

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Page 5. Changing health, 1945 onwards

In the later 20th century the Māori population continued to increase, especially in the 1950s and 1960s, and increasingly Māori moved from rural to urban areas.

Health conditions

After the Second World War a tuberculosis campaign began to bear fruit among Māori. From the early 1950s decreasing rates of tuberculosis incidence and mortality were recorded, particularly when Māori were immunised against it. In 1964 the Health Department stated that tuberculosis was no longer a significant cause of death among Māori.

Māori infant mortality fell steadily from the late 1940s, although in the early 21st century it was still higher than the non-Māori rate.

Typhoid outbreaks were rare by the 1950s.

Comparisons

In overall health status the Māori population continued to lag behind the non-Māori population. In a 1960 study the Māori mortality rate was still about twice that of non-Māori, with the greatest gap seen in the years of infancy and childhood. Māori were affected more than non-Māori by degenerative conditions such as diabetes, cancer, heart disease and stroke, which had not been much in evidence before. Lessening impact from infectious disease was offset by increasing impact of non-communicable illnesses. High rates of sickness and death from degenerative conditions were still being recorded at the end of the 20th century.

Disparity

Though the gap was closing in the 21st century, clear heath disparities remained. In 2012–14 Māori life expectancy at birth was 6.8 years lower than non-Māori for women and 7.3 years for men. In the 2010s Māori men were almost three times as likely as non-Māori men to die of lung cancer Māori women were over four times as likely as non-Māori women. Māori died from heart disease at more than twice the rate of non-Māori. Māori were twice as likely to have diabetes as non-Māori, and diabetes complication rates were also higher. Despite great improvements, and a significant rise in life expectancy, Māori were still worse affected than non-Māori by almost every known health condition.

Factors in disparity

Continuing disparities between Māori and non-Māori in the areas of employment, income and education were an important factor in health inequalities. Housing conditions played a part too. Lifting the standard of Māori dwellings, especially in rural areas, was a slow process. The official housing programme was faced with the problem of keeping up with the rapid increase in the Māori population, which meant that overcrowding persisted even when large numbers of new houses were built. The problem of substandard housing had not been entirely eliminated.

Māori and the health system

With so many families moving to towns and cities, Māori had better access to health facilities. But barriers of cost and culture were often still present. The government’s public health programmes continued to target Māori communities when distinctive needs were identified, and this had a considerable impact on Māori health status.

Hospitals were fully funded by the government from 1957, removing the perception that Māori did not contribute enough to hospital costs through the local authority rating system. By 1959 the proportion of Māori births occurring in hospital had risen to about 90%, and the figure continued to rise. There have been Māori doctors, nurses and other health workers for more than a century – in greater numbers in the early 21st century. But Māori are still under-represented in the health workforce at all levels.

Attitudes to health

In the second half of the 20th century the government began to take a more bicultural approach to Māori health needs, partly in response to Māori demands for greater involvement in issues concerning their health. The new trend intensified in the 1980s. It included enabling Māori to participate more in the planning and implementation of health programmes, and making greater acknowledgement of distinctive Māori values and practices in the health area.

Te Hui Whakaoranga (the Maori Health Planning Workshop) held in Auckland in 1984 was a landmark in this change. Soon marae-based health schemes and other Māori health providers began to emerge, offering medical care ‘by Māori, for Māori’. The government publicly committed itself to ending the disparities between Māori and non-Māori health.

Traditional medicine

Māori still retained many of their traditional ideas about health. Officials in the health sector gradually developed a greater understanding of Māori approaches to health and sickness, and government policies showed a greater acceptance of these approaches and their value for health care. Tohunga still practised in many Māori communities, and Pākehā were increasingly willing to view their work more positively. The Tohunga Suppression Act was repealed in 1962. Twenty years later the health authorities began to show a willingness to accept traditional healing practices as complementary to Western medicine, and even to recognise tohunga and incorporate their work into the mainstream health system.


Relvad

The battle begins with the Shaolin Monk training in a field when he hears someone making loud noises. He investigates and finds the Māori Warrior performing his "Ka Mate" haka. The Shaolin Monk watches as the Māori Warrior dances in front of him. The Māori Warrior then sticks his tongue out at him, which means that he is going to eat him. The Shaolin Monk slowly walks up to the Māori, which prompts him to raise his Stingray Spear in defense. The Monk calmly bows to him, but the Māori only responds by charging at him and wildly swinging his spear.

The monk swiftly moves and does back-flips to dodge the Māori's thrusts. The Māori Warrior sticks his tongue out at the Shaolin Monk again, but the Monk remains calm as he pulls out a meteor hammer and begins to swing it around. He tries to bend it around his leg and strike the Māori, but the Stingray Spear intercepts the blow. The Māori Warrior prepares to swing the Stingray Spear again, but the Shaolin Monk swings the meteor hammer and wraps it around the spear. The two pull on the rope to gain control of the Stingray Spear. The Māori then angrily throws the Spear, causing the Monk to fall back. The Monk quickly back-flips to keep his balance and remain standing. He makes a run for the trees, forcing the Māori to give chase.

The Shaolin Monk finds his Twin Hooks and Staff behind a tree and picks them up before resuming his escape. He eventually stops and turns to fight the Māori Warrior, who is now armed with his Taiaha. He quickly pulls out his Whip Chain and begins to swing it at the Māori Warrior. The Māori blocks the blows before the Shaolin Monk charges at him and swings fiercely. The Māori Warrior jumps out of the way and watches the Monk drop to the floor. He tries to close in with his Taiaha, but the Monk swings the Whip Chain above him and keeps the Māori at bay. Eventually, he bounces his body into the air briefly and swings the chain under him. He wraps it around the Māori Warrior's Taiaha and pulls at it. The Māori manages to hold on to his weapon, but the distraction allows the Monk to get back up. The Māori thrusts his Taiaha, but the Monk easily slides under it and runs to his Staff and Twin Hooks. The Māori Warrior runs after the Monk, chasing him to a more open field. Eventually, the Shaolin Monk throws his Twin Hooks to the ground and springs into a fighting stance with his Staff. The Māori watches as the Shaolin Monk begins to twirl his Staff around. The two begin to swing their weapon at the other, continuously blocking each other's blows.

Eventually, the Taiaha breaks the Shaolin Monk's Staff, leaving the Monk without a weapon. The Monk slowly backs up, and the Māori begins to fiercely attack him. The Monk tries to dodge the Taiaha, but eventually gets hit. The Māori Warrior tries to sweep the Shaolin Monk off his feet, but the Monk flips into the air and avoids the blow. The Monk picks up his Twin Hooks, and readies himself as the Māori tries to attack again. He effortlessly blocks the Taiaha before hooking it and pulling it from the Māori Warrior's hands. The Māori tries to come at him, but the Monk links the Twin Hooks together and swings it, cutting into the Māori's stomach. The Māori becomes infuriated and charges at the Shaolin Monk, sending him to the floor. The Shaolin Monk kicks him away and quickly jumps back up.

The Monk pulls out his Emei Piercers, and the Māori grabs his Shark Tooth and Mere Clubs. The Māori tries to frantically swings at the Monk, who grabs his arm and pulls the Mere Club from his hand. The Māori Warrior swings his Shark Tooth Club and hits the Monk. The Monk quickly spins one of his Emei Piercers, distracting the Māori for a second and allowing the Monk to punch him in the gut. The Monk tries to stab the Māori, but is blocked by the Shark Tooth Club. He spins around and elbows the Māori, causing him to flinch. The Monk then grabs both of his Emei Piercers and stabs him in both the neck and temple. He pulls out his Piercers and watches the Māori fall to the floor. The raises his hand in the peace sign, then the Monk proceeds to bow his head at the deceased Māori Warrior.