Edward Heath - ajalugu

Edward Heath - ajalugu


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Edward Heath

1916-2005

Briti poliitik

Edward Heath sündis Broadstairsis Inglismaal 9. juulil 1916. Tänu stipendiumile sai ta õppida Oxfordi kolledžis. teenis II maailmasõjas suurtükiväe ohvitserina. 1950. aastal valiti ta parlamenti, kus ta töötas aastatel 1955–1959 konservatiivse partei piitsana.

Heath astus kabinetti 1963. aastal kaubandus- ja tööstusministrina. 1965. aastal sai temast Konservatiivse Partei juht ja 1970. aastal peaminister.

Tema suurim saavutus oli Suurbritannia juhtimine ühisturu liikmeks. 1974. aasta tööjõukriisi tagajärjel kaotasid konservatiivid valimised.


Edward Heath

Edward Heath  (9. juuli 1916 - 17. juuli 2005) oli Ühendkuningriigi peaminister 19. juunist 1970 kuni 4. märtsini 1974, katkestades Harold Wilsoni kaks ametiaega. Tema kõige olulisem tegu peaministrina oli Ühendkuningriigi viimine Euroopa Majandusühendusse 1973. aastal, samuti otsese valitsemise kehtestamine Põhja -Iirimaal, kui hädad jõudsid oma haripunkti.


Sisu

Edward Heath oli pärit töölisklassi perekonnast, puusepa ja teenija pojast. Ta oli esimene kahest olulisest Teise maailmasõja järgsest peaministrist, kes tuli ühiskonna alamastmest (teine ​​oli Margaret Thatcher). Heath läks Ramsgate'i gümnaasiumi ja võitis stipendiumi Oxfordi Ballioli kolledžisse. Heath oli andekas muusik ja võitis esimesel ametiajal kolledži orelistipendiumi. See võimaldas tal jääda ülikooli neljandaks aastaks. Lõpuks lõpetas ta filosoofia, poliitika ja majanduse (PPE) 1939.

Heath teenis Teises maailmasõjas armees, alustades kuningliku suurtükiväe teise leitnandina. 1944. aastal võttis ta osa Normandia dessandist. Heath demobiliseeriti (lahkus armeest) kolonelleitnandiks 1947. aastal.

Pärast loitsimist avalikus teenistuses võitis Heath 1950. aasta veebruaris toimunud üldvalimistel Bexley parlamendiliikme koha.

Heathi varased ametisse nimetamised olid piitsaks alamkoja konservatiivide parteis. Aastatel 1955–1959 tõusis ta rahandusministeeriumi peasekretäriks ja parlamendi sekretäriks. Harold Macmillan nimetas ta 1959. aastal valitsuse ametikoha tööministriks.

Aastal 1960 andis Macmillan Heathile vastutuse läbirääkimiste pidamise eest Ühendkuningriigi esimese katsega ühineda Euroopa Majandusühendusega (nagu toona nimetati Euroopa Liitu). Pärast ulatuslikke läbirääkimisi pani Prantsuse president Charles de Gaulle Briti sisenemisele veto.

Aastatel 1965–1970 oli Heath opositsiooni juht, kui tööerakond oli võimul. Seejärel valiti ta peaministriks 1970. aasta üldvalimistel.

Tema peaministri ajal tegi Ühendkuningriigi valitsus läbi parlamendi üsna radikaalseid muudatusi.

Valuuta ja mõõdikud Muuda

Alates anglosaksi aegadest põhines Inglismaa (ja hiljem ka Ühendkuningriigi) valuuta naelsterlingil, kursiga 240 penni kuni 1 naelsterling. 15. veebruaril 1971, mida tuntakse kümnendpäevana, tegid Ühendkuningriik ja Iirimaa oma valuuta kümnendkoha.

Sellel muutusel oli palju tagajärgi, kuid enamus inimesi võttis selle lõpuks omaks. See oli kallis muutus. Mitte ainult ei muudetud kogu ringluses olevat valuutat, vaid tuli välja vahetada ka palju mehaanilisi vidinaid. Iga riigi kassaaparaat, iga müntide võtmise kommertsmasin, kõik avalikud teated rahaliste tasude kohta jne.

Teine muutus, mis toimus ligikaudu samal ajal, oli vana keiserliku kaalude ja mõõtude süsteemi mõõtmine. See idee sai alguse Heathist ja seda jätkas pärast teda järgmine leiboristide valitsus. See ei saanud kunagi täielikult valmis. Kiirusepiirangud on endiselt miilides tunnis ja pikkuse mõõtmised on endiselt traditsioonilistes õuedes, jalgades ja tollides, alternatiivina on meeter. Taaskord olid muudatused tohutult kallid. See tähendas tööpinkide tööstuses peaaegu täielikku ümbertegemist.

Seda tehti peamiselt seetõttu, et Euroopa Majandusühendusega (EMÜ) liitumine 1973. aastal kohustas Ühendkuningriiki võtma oma seadustesse kõik EMÜ direktiivid. Nende hulka kuulus ettenähtud SI-põhiste ühikute kasutamine mitmeks otstarbeks viie aasta jooksul. Kuid Ühendkuningriigi igapäevaelus ei kasutata meetermõõdikuid kuigi palju. [6]

Heath viis Ühendkuningriigi Euroopasse 1972. aasta Euroopa ühenduste seadusega. [7]

Kui de Gaulle oli ametist lahkunud, otsustas Heath Ühendkuningriigi (toonase) Euroopa Majandusühenduse sisse viia. Ka EMÜ majandus oli aeglustunud ja Suurbritannia liikmelisust peeti selle taaselustamise viisiks. [8] Pärast 12-tunnist vestlust Heathi ja Prantsusmaa presidendi Georges Pompidou vahel Suurbritannia kolmas taotlus õnnestus. [9]

Tema peaministri ametikoha lõpp Redigeeri

Heath ei suutnud ametiühingute võimu kontrollida. Kaks kaevurite streiki kahjustasid majandust. 1974. aasta streik pani suure osa riigi tööstusest töötama energia säästmiseks kolm päeva. Sellest piisas, et valijad saaksid valitsuse ametist kõrvaldada. Kaotus 1974. aasta üldvalimistel lõpetas Heathi karjääri tipus. Konservatiivne partei asendas teda Margaret Thatcheriga.

Heath ei abiellunud kunagi. Eeldati, et ta abiellub lapsepõlvesõbra Kay Raveniga, kes oli väidetavalt väsinud ootamisest ja abiellus RAF-i ohvitseriga, kellega ta 1950. aastal puhkusel kohtus. Oma mälestuste neljalauselises lõigus väitis Heath, et oli olnud liiga hõivatud karjääri loomisega pärast sõda ja oli "võib -olla. võtnud liiga palju enesestmõistetavaks". 1998. aastal teleintervjuus Michael Cockerelliga tunnistas Heath, et hoidis tema fotot pärast seda aastaid oma korteris. [10]

Huvi muusika vastu hoidis teda sõbralikes suhetes mitmete naismuusikutega, sealhulgas Moura Lympanyga. Lympany arvas, et Heath abiellub temaga, kuid kui temalt küsiti kõige intiimsema asja kohta, mida ta oli teinud, vastas ta: "Ta pani käe ümber mu õla." [11] aastal kirjutas Bernard Levin Vaatleja, unustades veel kaks peaministrit, kes olid poissmehed, kellel puudusid teadaolevad romantilised huvid, et Ühendkuningriik pidi ootama kuni neitsiliku peaministri lubava ühiskonna tekkimiseni. [12] Hilisemas elus oli Heath oma ametliku biograafi Philip Ziegleri sõnul „võimeline taanduma morni vaikustesse või ignoreerima täielikult tema kõrval olevat naist ja rääkima temaga lähima mehega”. [12]

John Campbell, kes avaldas Heathi eluloo 1993. aastal, pühendas neli lehekülge Heathi seksuaalsust puudutavate tõendite arutamisele. Tunnistades, et avalikkus pidas Heathit sageli geiks, mitte ainult seetõttu, et see on "tänapäeval. Sosistas igast bakalaureusest", ei leidnud ta "mingeid positiivseid tõendeid" selle kohta, "välja arvatud kõige nõrgem põhjendamata kuulujutt". [13] Campbell jõudis järeldusele, et Heathi seksuaalsuse kõige olulisem aspekt oli tema täielik represseerimine selle vastu.


Edward Heath - ajalugu

Selle ressursi interaktiivsed osad ei tööta enam, kuid see on arhiveeritud, et saaksite ülejäänud osa kasutada.

Edward Heath - Euroopa kodanik

Ühendkuningriigi kaasamine EMÜsse

Juulis 1960 määrati Heath Harold Macmillani konservatiivide valitsuses Lord Privy Sealiks. Sellel ametikohal oli ta (alates 1961. aastast) vastutav läbirääkimiste eest, mis olid seotud Suurbritannia esimese katsega ühineda Euroopa Majandusühendusega (EMÜ), mis loodi Rooma lepinguga märtsis 1957. Need läbirääkimised lõppesid aga ebaõnnestunult. Jaanuaris 1963 pani Prantsusmaa president Charles de Gaulle, kes oli ettevaatlik Suurbritannia lähedaste suhete suhtes USA -ga, veto Suurbritannia taotlusele. See oli Heathile kibe löök. See ajendas üht tema kuulsamat kõnet, milles ta lubas, et Suurbritannia ei pööra Euroopa projektile selga: „Geograafia, traditsioonide, ajaloo, kultuuri ja tsivilisatsiooni poolest oleme osa Euroopast. Jätkame koostööd oma sõpradega Euroopas selle mandri tõelise ühtsuse ja tugevuse nimel. ”

1974 ja pärast seda

Suurbritannia EMÜsse pääsemise kindlustamine oli Heathi suurim poliitiline saavutus. Teistes valdkondades oli tema ametiaeg aga vähem edukas. Probleemid Põhja -Iirimaal ja eriti kasvavad majandusprobleemid õõnestasid tema positsiooni. Märtsis 1974 järgnes talle peaministrina Leiboristide juht Harold Wilson. Juunis 1975 kutsus Wilsoni valitsus pärast kolm kuud varem Suurbritannia EMÜsse sisenemise algtingimuste edukat läbirääkimist läbirääkimistele rahvahääletuse, et toetada liikmestaatust. Umbes 67,2% osalejatest hääletas jaatavalt - see on hilinenud õigustus Heathi pikaajalisele positsioonile.

Heathi asendas tooride partei juhina Margaret Thatcher 1975. aastal. Tema järgnevat poliitilist karjääri iseloomustas tema jätkuv pühendumine Euroopa Liidule - ja arvukad kokkupõrked proua Thatcheriga, kes on Euroopa Ühenduse vähem entusiastlik toetaja, Euroopa poliitika üle. . Ta rüütliks löödi 1992. aastal ja ta lahkus poliitikast 2001. aastal. Oma viimases kõnes parlamendile kritiseeris Heath Konservatiivse Partei juhtkonna euroskeptilist suhtumist ja rõhutas oma toetust Suurbritannia ühisraha kasutamisele.


Sir Edward Heath: Reetur ja pedofiil

Wiltshire'i politsei avaldas nüüd oma aruande Operatsioon Okaspuu, Sir Edward Heathi pedofiilia uurimine. On kaks aruannet: üldaruanne, mis on üldkasutatav, ja konfidentsiaalne aruanne. Viimane on läinud ebaõnnestunud laste seksuaalse kuritarvitamise sõltumatu uurimise (IICSA) juurde, kes ei pööra sellele liiga palju tähelepanu. See on IICSA jaoks liiga kuum teema, ei ole ette nähtud solvumiseks.

Olen lugenud avaldatud aruannet, mille maht on 109 lehekülge. See on juba üldkasutatav, et minuga konsulteeriti Okaspuu detektiivid. The Sunday Times, mis toetab Heathi ja ELi liikmestaatust, püüdis uurimist häbistada, seostades mind sellega, koos absurdse väitega, mis põhineb minu võltsil veendumusel, et olen pettur ja minu MCC bleiseris olev foto.

See oli osa ühisest survekampaaniast Wiltshire'i võimsale peakonstaablile Mike Veale'ile, mis sisaldas rumalat kirja Londonile Ajad endiselt kabinetisekretärilt lord Armstrongilt. Mäletate, et ta oli see tüüp, kes mõtles selle aja jooksul välja fraasi „olles tõega ökonoomne” Nuhkija kohtuvaidlused Austraalias. Lord Armstrong oli sel korral ilmselt hämmingus, kui ta astus välja pakutava kohtuniku härra Justice Powelli ette, mis on kabinetisekretärile haruldane kogemus.

The Sunday Times artikkel sai tagasilöögi osaliselt seetõttu, et suur Briti avalikkus ei ostnud kunagi ideed ringpommi petta. Prokuratuur nägi täpselt välja, mis see oli - haletsusväärne katse tõde varjata. MCC bleiser on muidugi stiilne, maitsekas ja diskreetne riideese. Kõik see foto (mis ei pärine minult) ilmselt tegi ainult bleiserite müügi suurendamist MCC poes.

Mike Veale, tema tohutu au, ei allunud Whitehalli survele. Ta on austusega hea vask, vaieldamatult Ühendkuningriigi parim. Enamik meie peakonstaablitest on liiliamaksest kabinetikabiinid, kuritegu pole ette nähtud.

Valitsuskabinet on ilmselt pisut hämmingus. Nad on harjunud politseijõudude ümber veerema ja arvasid ilmselt, et Wiltshire'i politsei on natuke maalähedane ja lihtne liha. Kriminaaluurimise käigus ei tulnud valitsuskabineti kontroll kroonprokuratuuri (CPS) üle mängu. Peamine kahtlustatav, s.o Heath, suri 2005. aastal kopsuemboolia tüsistustesse, mille ta sai 2003. aastal Salzburgis Austrias pärast seda, kui DVD oli teda hoiatanud, et MI5 on tema ees. Seetõttu ei olnud kunagi mingit süüdistuse esitamise küsimust, kuigi mõned tema kaasosalised on endiselt elus.

See oli tõesti teie, BTW, kes pani MI5 Heathile. Ma ei usu, et DVD oleks talle kunagi rääkinud minu rollist Briti luureandmete uurimises, milles ma muidugi ei osale (ma lihtsalt aitan aeg -ajalt). Heath ei meeldinud mulle niikuinii, tegelikult arvan, et ta kartis mind. Ta oleks mulle veel vähem meeldinud, kui oleks teadnud, et ostan ta MI5 -le. Teadmised tema riigireetmisest II maailmasõja ajal välistasid muidugi riigimatuse.

Kuigi mulle vana lollakas kunagi ei meeldinud, kohtlesin teda alati viisakalt. Ma ei nõustu tugevalt nendega, kes ütlevad, et ta oleks pidanud II maailmasõjas üles pooma. Ta pidas kuninga komisjoni ja tal oli õigus sõjaväelisele viisakusele mahalaskmisele.

Sir Edward Heath KG MBE

Sir Edward sündis 9. juulil 1916 puusepa ja teenija pojana. Tema vanemad olid ilmselt väga toredad inimesed, kuid sel juhul kukkus õun mingil moel puult alla. Gümnaasiumipoisina läks ta 1935. aastal Oxfordi Ballioli kolledžisse.

Balliol oli Saksa luuretegevuse tulipunkt. Heath, kes oli gei, sattus kiiresti seksuaalsesse ohtu ja värbas Abwehr. Samuti maksid talle meie kogukonna partnerid 250 naela aastas, mis ei ole märkimisväärne summa noormehe eest Oxfordis 1930ndate lõpus. Koos Abwehr julgustuseks astus ta vastu lepitamisele. Viimane asi, mida Abwehr sooviks, et üks nende kaitsealustest avalikult toetaks natsi -Saksamaad.

Heath eelistas alati nooremaid seksuaalpartnereid. Teda varustas Abwehri oma hõivatud geibordell Oxfordis. Aastal 1937 noor Briti teismeline poiss Abwehr palgaarvestus saatis Heathi Saksamaal Nürnbergis toimunud natsipartei miitingule, kus Sir Edward kohtus esimest korda Adolf Hitleriga. Neist kahest oli Hitler kahtlemata võluvam.

Heath kohtus ka meie kogukonnapartneri SS-Reichsführer Heinrich Himmleriga Reichsführeri korraldatud joogipeol. Hiljem väitis Heath, et arvas, et Himmler on "kõige kurjem mees, keda ta kunagi kohanud on", mis oli kummaline mehelt, kes kohtus Hitleri, Konrad Adenaueri ja Helmut Kohliga. Minu allikad, sealhulgas keegi, kes oli joogipeol, ütlevad, et Himmler tabas tegelikult Heathi ja tundus, et neil kahel on päris hästi läbi. Heinrich teadis, et Heath töötab muidugi admiral Canaris.

Reichsparteitag. Der Grosse Appell der Politischen Leiter auf der von Scheinwerfern uberstrahlten Zeppelin-wiese Nurnburgis. Poliitiliste liidrite suur ülevaade prožektorivalgustusega Zeppelini väljal Nürnbergis. September 1937. (Võõraste kinnisvaraamet) Pildistamise täpne kuupäev pole teada

Heath kuulus kurikuulsasse Oxfordi spiooniringi koos Roy Jenkinsi, Madron Seligmani ja Tony Barberiga, kes kõik õppisid Oxfordis kas enne või pärast viimast sõda. Tema esimene suurem ülesanne Teises maailmasõjas oli Liverpooli luureringi korraldamine, et edastada laevandusalast teavet Abwehr Saksa saatkonna kaudu Dublinis. Heath nägi kõvasti vaeva teljejõudude võidu tagamiseks ja aitas paljud head mehed uppuda ja häid laevu uppuda.

Ta läks pärast D-päeva Euroopasse, kuid püüdis võimaluse korral vältida sakslaste tapmist. Suurtükiväeohvitser, tema aku oli ilmselt üsna ohutu kai. Kaaslasest saksa agent Sir Edward Bridges korraldas sõja lõpus talle sõjaväelise MBE, mis Heathi puhul tähendas tõepoolest "Minor Bloody Effort".

Pärast sõda sai Heathist kurikuulsa Saksa spiooni Harold Macmillani kaitsealune, kes tegi kõvasti tööd, et muuta liitlaste võit 1945. aastal Suurbritanniaga EMÜsse. Kuigi esmakordselt pettus de Gaulle'i veto (Heath ei teadnud, et de Gaulle on ka gei ja Briti luure suudab talle toetuda, mis tähendab, et pakun talle väärtuslikku juhendamist), sai ta meid 1973. aastal. kasutas tõhusalt tugevate käte taktikat, sealhulgas laskis oma rahanduskantsleri Iain Macleodi mõrvata GO2 poolt pärast seda, kui Macleod oli aru saanud, et Saksamaa kehtestatud tingimused on hävitavad.

Macleodi asendajaks oli Heathi kaaslane Abwehr ja DVD agent Tony Barber, kes andis oma Spitfire'i Luftwaffe'ile üle 1942. aastal. Seda muidugi Barberi Vikipeedia sissekandes ei näe. Nagu ikka, katab Wikipedia Saksa luureandmeid ja surub endiselt valet, et Barberil sai kütus otsa. Tüüpilise intellektuaalse ebaaususega saavad nad mööda sellest, et tema Spitfire PR Mk IV pildistati hiljem Reftini Luftwaffe'i testikeskuses, valides sellest rääkimata.

Barber saboteeris Suurbritannia majandust ja Heathi peaminister oli katastroof. Ta kaotas vääriliselt 1974. aastal mitte ainult ühe, vaid kaks üldvalimist ning ta asendas tooride partei juhina suur Margaret Thatcher. Heath ei leppinud kunagi tema lüüasaamisega ja hoidis Margareti vastu viha kogu oma väärtusetu elu.

Ta läks pensionile Salisburysse, Wiltshire'is, kus bordellipidaja varustas teda regulaarselt noorte poistega, kes tunnistas sama palju, kui 1994. aastal süüdistuse esitas. Kahtlemata kindlustas CPS valitsuskabineti survel, et süüdistust ei jätkata. See oli siis, kui see endise politseiametniku käest ilmsiks tuli Okaspuu alustati.

IISCA uurimise käivitasid osaliselt paljastused BBC varalahkunud pedofiil Jimmy Savile kohta, kes oli valitsuskabineti organiseeritud ringkonna juht ja mis varustas poisse nii Heathile kui ka kabinetisekretärile John Huntile. Uurimine on taandatud farsiks, üks esimees järgneb teisele. Praegune esimees on sotsiaaltöötaja, kellel puudub igasugune luurealane asjatundlikkus ja mis tahes õigusrikkumine. Olen kindel, et ta on tore inimene, kuid ta on lootusetult oma sügavusest väljas ega ole ilmselt isegi DVD -st või GO2 -st kuulnud.

Uurimine on nii diskrediteeritud, et vaevalt tasub seda enam diskrediteerida. Pole mingit võimalust, et see jõuab tõele ja kui ta kogemata tõele komistas, pole ka võimalust, et ta selle avalikustaks. Ainus hea asi, mis IICSAst välja tuleb, on see, et see on kahjustanud üldsuse usaldust, mitte enne tähtaega, kogu ametlike päringute kontseptsiooni suhtes.

Operatsioon Okaspuu Järeldused

Uurimisrühm, mida juhtis esialgu detektiivinspektor Sean Memory, võimekas ohvitser, kes seejärel määriti, ja seejärel detektiivinspektor Steve Kirby, kullaülema abi, peakonstaabel Paul Millsi juhendamisel, jõudis järeldusele, et on piisavalt tõendeid, mis õigustaksid härra vahistamist. Edward Heath, kas ta oli veel elus ja küsitles teda ettevaatlikult seoses seitsme väidetava seksuaalkuriteoga. Kõik need olid süüteod meeste, enamasti poiste vastu, üks 11 -aastane.

Süüdistused hõlmasid vägistamist noore üüripoisi vastu, kuigi on oluline rõhutada, et see väide on ainult seaduslik kohustus. Inglismaa seaduste kohaselt, nagu paljudes Ameerika osariikides, tungib vägistamine, kui ohver on nõusoleku andmiseks liiga noor. Niipalju kui ma tean, oli kohtumine tasuline, seksuaalne nõusolek. Ebaseaduslik ja mitte hea, kuid mitte nii dramaatiline, nagu ütleb sõna “vägistamine”.

See on koht, kus juriidiline asutus hakkab oma tähelepanu pöörama. See on aastaid jälitanud vananenud seksuaalseid süüdistusi ja jaganud kuritegude määratlust, et need kõlaksid tõsisemalt. Nüüd on tulnud neid hammustada, sest kurjategija juhtus sel juhul olema peaminister, kes meid EMÜ -sse tiris.

Uurimisrühm on plahvatanud kolm müüti Heathi kohta, mida valitsuskabinet on aastaid hoolikalt levitanud:

(2) et temaga olid alati kaasas kaitseametnikud ja

(3) et ta ei saanud sõita ega omanud autot.

Nad tegid kindlaks, et tal olid täiskasvanud meestega (noored, panustan) seksuaalsuhted konsensuslikul alusel. Tegelikult tundub, et tal oli ahne seksuaalne isu ja ta oli kõige hullem seksuaalne kiskja.

Heath sai ööpäevaringset kaitset alles vahetult enne peaministriks saamist 1970. aastal. Pealegi näib ta olevat osav oma kaitseametnikele loa andma.

Samuti oli tal eri aegadel kaks autot, Vauxhall Viva (veider valik) ja Rover 2000. Kahtlemata oleks ta eelistanud sõita millegi hunnikumaga, näiteks Mercedesega, kuid ta teeskles, et on meie poolel, pätt. .

The Okaspuu meeskond on teinud suurepärast politseitööd. Ma ei kõhkle seda öeldes, kuigi nad pole nii kaugele jõudnud kui mina Nuhkija ja ei ole jõudnud Heathile esitatud tõsisemate süüdistuste kohta järeldustele. Tema tegevus Abwehr olid väljaspool nende pädevust.

Heathi jahtidelt kaduma läinud poiste puhul takistas neid osa meeskonna, kabineti ja luureteenistuste koostöö puudumine. Keegi ei kurtnud, et poisid kadusid, sest nad olid hoole all ja nende toimikud kadusid kabineti korraldusel. Kabinetibüroo ulatus Suurbritannias kohalikku omavalitsusse sügavalt.

Heathi kohta ei antud üle ühtegi luuretoimikut. Ükski meeskonnast polnud minu teada luureohvitser. Mõistlikult keskendusid nad elavatele ohvritele, kellel puudusid surnukehad (seetõttu kaaluti vaeseid poisse pärast mõrvamist ja seejärel GO2 agentide poolt üle parda viskamist). Mereväeluurel oli üks jaht allikas, kuid see fail on sügavale maetud. Nad päästsid terve kroonikoloonia (Briti Honduras) bioloogilise võimendusega, mille nad nõnda Heathil omandasid. Te ei anna sellist faili rozzersile üle, olgu need nii head kui tahes.

Piiratud koostööga ja luurefailidele juurdepääsu puudumisel on ACC Mills ja tema meeskond kontrollinud Heathi kohta kolme kabineti büroo valet. Samuti on nad näidanud mõnele tema ohvrile, et seal on politseinikke, kes hoolivad neist ja õigusriigist ning kes ei karda Whitehalli.

Värskendus Las Vegase tulistamiste kohta

Üksiku laskuri teooria on nüüd täielikult kokku kukkunud. Ainult FBI ja peavoolumeedia töötavad sellega endiselt, kuid siis väidavad nad endiselt, et Lee Harvey Oswald tulistas Kennedyt.

Nõustun lugupidavalt vahemiku arvudega, mis põhinevad helianalüüsil ja mille mu kolleeg Ian Greenhalgh mujal sellel saidil esile tõstis. Meil on üks laskur/laskurite meeskond Mandalay lahes ja teine ​​lähemal. Meil ​​on tõenäoliselt kaks erinevat tüüpi raundi, .223 Remington ja 30 cal. Sellest muidugi ei järeldu, et üks laskjatest oli Paddock.

Nagu praegu soovitatakse, mõtlen ma Mandalay lahest tulistamist .223, et seostada Paddocki ja 30 kalorit. turvavööga ühest Iani poolt tuvastatud potentsiaalsest saidist. Üksik 30 kalorit. rihmaga varustatud kuulipilduja võib lühikese aja jooksul hävitada suure hulga relvastamata ja kaitseta tsiviilisikuid.

Sonoma maakonna metsatulekahjud

Mitu korda pean seda ütlema? Metsikute tulekahjude tekitamine oli al -Qaida ja on nüüd ISIS moodus operandi. Aastaid pärast seda, kui ma selle valisin, kinnitati 2011. aasta Seal Team Six reidil Pakistani bin Ladeni perekonnale. Keegi mind muidugi ei õnnitlenud.

Kogukondade hoiatamiseks ei tehtud midagi. Sisejulgeolek eiras ohtu ja ka liitlasriigid, nagu Austraalia, jäeti tuule käes kiikuma. Fibbies pole vähimalgi määral mures-FBI osas tundub, et USA kodanikud pole muud kui kahuriliha.

Kellelgi meedias pole luuret, et siduda Sonoma maakonna tulekahjud orkaanide Harvey ja Irma, Mehhiko maavärina ja Las Vegase massitulistamisega. Enamik ajakirjanikke pole DVD -st kunagi kuulnud, rääkimata skalaarsetest suure energiaga relvasüsteemidest. Nende jaoks on katastroofid asjad, mis lihtsalt juhtuvad.

Sama kehtib ka poliitikute kohta. Margaret Thatcheri valitsust tabas katastroof pärast katastroofi, kuid keegi valitsuses ei saanud aru, et enamiku nende taga oli Saksa luure. Nõustun lugupidavalt Dean Simontoniga (UC-Davis) poliitikute IQ osas. Praeguses Briti ajakirjas Mensa (oktoober 2017, lk 12) on kasulik artikkel, mis võtab tema töö kokku.

Poliitilise juhi IQ optimaalne tase on maksimaalselt 1,2 standardhälvet grupi keskmisest kõrgemal, st umbes 120–125. Lühidalt öeldes ei kipu targad inimesed valituks osutuma. Nii jõuamegi selliste presidentideni nagu Bill Clinton ja peaministriteni nagu Tony Blair.

Tõepoolest, väga arukate inimeste valimine on peaaegu võimatu. Nad on liiga erinevad. See tähendab põhimõtteliselt seda, et demokraatiat juhivad võrdlevad idioodid.

See on piisavalt halb. Probleemid tekivad aga siis, kui vastutavad idioodid ei saa aru, millised idioodid nad on ja ei kuula oma palju intelligentsemaid nõunikke ega määra end ekspertideks. Maailmas on ainult üks valitud juht, näiteks kes teab luureandmetest midagi ja see on Vladimir Putin. Ta on peaaegu ainus poliitik, kelle arvamust luureküsimustes tasub kuulata.

Vandeadvokaat ja luurespetsialist Michael Shrimptoni spioonikütt on põnev alternatiivne pilk spionaaži ajaloole 11. sajandist tänapäevani ja on Amazon

Loodan, et inimestel, kes seda loevad, on juurdepääs president Trumpile kes blokeerivad Nuhkija või luureandmed DVD kohta, mis temani jõudsid, teavad mõne inimese kvaliteeti, kelle elu nad minema viskavad. Üks sel nädalal surnuks põlenud vaene paar oli abielus 75 aastat. Olen kindel, et nad olid head inimesed. Teine oli mereväe veteran, endine F4U piloot.

Nagu ma eelmisel nädalal ütlesin, oleme me Saksamaaga peaaegu sõjas, inimesed. Me ei pruugi seda teada, kuid seda alustanud sakslased kindlasti teavad. Kui palju veel pilvelõhkujaid, kui palju massitulistamisi, kui palju metsiku tule ohvreid, enne kui ärkame ja kohvi lõhname? Kahjuks ennustan, et möödunud nädala surmadest ei piisa meie ajusurnud meedia ja poliitilise klassi äratamiseks. Nad ohverdavad elusid, nagu Esimese maailmasõja kindralid, kes ei teadnud, et Asquith, Lloyd George ja Hankey töötasid Saksamaa heaks ja andsid meie sõjaplaanid vaenlasele üle.

Vähemalt osa kindralite visatud eludest oli nende oma. Esimeses maailmasõjas hukkus üle neljakümne Briti kindralohvitseri. Poliitikud ei võta oma turvalisusega mingeid riske, kuid heidavad hea meelega teiste inimeste elusid. Lihtsam on ohverdada kellegi elu, keda te ei tunne, kui mõelda sellele, mida teete.

Seal on ei võimalus tõsiseks ametlikuks uurimiseks California tulekahjude kohta. Õiguskaitseorganid on seotud saatuslikult vigase arusaamaga, et terrorism ei ole riigi toetatav nähtus ja metsikuid tulekahjusid tekitavad äravisatud sigaretid.

Siiski on väike võimalus, et ühel kindlustusseltsil, kellel palutakse selle jama eest tõsist raha koguda (samamoodi nagu Mandalay lahe kindlustusandjad), võib hakata küsimusi esitama. Paljudel kindlustuspoliisidel on klauslid, mis välistavad terrorismi. Tõenäoliselt võidakse neid kasutada California tulekahjude korral.

Ma tegutsen kindlustusandja heaks ja annan hea meelega teistele nõu! Ei ole seadust kindlustusandjate vastu, kes võtavad tööle ajuga uurijaid. Isegi FBI -l ei ole kongressiseadusega keelatud kasutada arukaid agente. See on lihtsalt tava ja tava seda mitte teha.

Selle nädala lugemine: Churchill ja admiralid

Kapten Stephen Roskill RN, 1977, pliiats ja mõõk 2004

See tuntud mereväe töö on Pen & amp Sword Military abivalmis uuesti avaldanud. Tahaksin selle analüüsimisele rohkem ruumi pühendada, sest see on olnud mõjukas raamat.

Varalahkunud kapten Roskill töötas pärast sõda valitsuskabinetis ja võttis üllatuslikult alati kabineti kantselei seisukoha. Ta on Saksa agendi Lord Hankey austaja. Selles tuntud teoses paneb ta tõesti Winston Churchilli.

Winne, kelle lapselast ma tundsin, oli oma vigadega: ta ei joonud peaaegu piisavalt ja suitsetas ühe asja jaoks liiga vähe sigareid. Mõned tema ajulained olid metsikult teostamatud ja jagan kapten Roskilli analüüsi, et ta oli ennekõike sõjaväelane, mitte mereväeohvitser. Ta teenis Indias ja läänerindel, kuid mitte kunagi merel.

Kuid Roskilli kriitika tema kohta on liiga karm ja ignoreerib täielikult selle rolli Abwehr vara, sealhulgas Hankey ja Sir Edward Bridges, teda õõnestades. Sillad valetasid talle näiteks HMSi purjetamise pärast Walesi prints ja HMS Tõrjuda Singapurist. Stephen Roskill oli suurepärane relvastusohvitser ja eriti hea mereväe AAA spetsialist. Kuid tasakaalustatult oleks ta pidanud jääma relvastuse juurde.

Ma ei usu, et ta oli Saksa spioon, kuigi töötas kabinetis. Ta lihtsalt ei olnud lugupidamisega piisavalt hea luureohvitser, et märgata Saksa luurajaid, kellega ta töötas!


Edward Heath

Edward Heath (1916-2005), tuntud ka kui Ted Heath, oli Konservatiivse Partei poliitik, kes töötas Briti peaministrina aastatel 1970–1974, mis oli hädade halvim periood.

Heath sündis Kentis Broadstairsist pärit töölisklassi peres, isa oli ehitaja ja ema koduteenija. Ted Heath sai hariduse Ramsgate'is ja sai Oxfordi stipendiumi saamiseks piisavalt hästi hakkama. Ta õppis filosoofiat, poliitikat ja majandust, mille lõpetas 1939. aastal. Heath reisis õppepauside ajal üle Euroopa, sealhulgas külastas Natsi -Saksamaad, kus ta kohtus väidetavalt juhtivate natsidega nagu Heinrich Himmler ja Joseph Goebbels.

Heath liitus armeega märtsis 1941 ja teenis II maailmasõja ajal suurepäraselt suurtükiväeohvitserina, jättes teenistuse kolonelleitnandiks. 1950. aastal kandideeris ta alamkojas, võites napilt Bexley koha. Ta edutati kabinetis 1959. aastal ja tal oli mitu portfelli, enne kui ta sai 1965. aasta juulis Konservatiivse Partei juhiks.

Heathist sai peaminister pärast konservatiivide valimiste võitu 1970. aasta juunis. Peaministrina tegeles ta peamiselt majandusreformidega, eelkõige Suurbritannia Euroopa ühisturule sisenemise haldamisega. Heath tundus Põhja -Iirimaal sageli huvitu, vaadates selle poliitilisi küsimusi ja sektantlust ambivalentse vastumeelsusega. Ta ei tundnud kiindumust lojalistliku asja vastu ja tema töösuhted liidupoliitikutega nagu Brian Faulkner olid pingelised.

Verine pühapäeva tulistamine jaanuaris 1972 tõi Põhja -Iirimaa Heath ’s päevakorra esikohale. Faulkneri järeleandmatusest pettunud Heath lubas 1972. aasta märtsis kehtestada otsese reegli. Tema valitsus pooldas läbirääkimistega rahulepingut, mis põhineb võimu jagamisel ja koostööl Dubliniga. Heath usaldas selle oma alluvale William Whitelawile, kuigi Heath osales osaliselt 1973. aasta detsembri kõnelustes, mis kulmineerusid Sunningdale'i lepinguga.

Heath ei olnud kunagi Briti rahva seas laialt populaarne, kes pidas teda vaatamata töölisklassi päritolule liiga külmaks ja elitaarseks. Heath ja konservatiivid kaotasid võimu 1974. aasta veebruaris toimunud valimistel, peaministri ametikoht läks üle leiboristidele Harold Wilsonile. Heath jäi parlamenti veel 27 aastat, jäädes lõpuks pensionile juunis 2001. Teda ei valitud teise kabineti portfelli, kuna tema suhted Margaret Thatcheriga olid halvad.

2003. aasta jaanuaris andis Heath tõendeid enne Saville'i uurimist Verise pühapäeva kohta, mis oli üks tema viimaseid olulisi avalikke tegusid. Ta haigestus samal aastal raskelt ja suri 2005. aasta märtsis 89 -aastasena.


Pärast kuueaastaselt mänginud tenorisarve, julgustanud isa Bert, trompetist ja Wandsworthi linna puhkpilliorkestri juht, läks Heath hiljem üle tromboonile. [7] [8] Mõlemad mängisid sageli koos mitmetel 1920. ja 1930. aastate tantsubändide salvestustel.

Earning a living for his family in the post-war years he, and his brother Harold with three other musicians, formed a band that played to commuters outside London Bridge Station before winding their way along the streets in London to a location outside the Queen's Hall Gardens venue. It was here that Heath's professional career began as he was spotted on the street and asked to play with the Jack Hylton Band [2] who had a residence there. He did not last long, not having the experience required, but it gave him the ambition to pursue a career as a professional musician. [8] [9]

His first real band gig was with an American band on tour in Europe – the Southern Syncopated Orchestra – which had an engagement in Vienna, Austria and needed a trombone player. The drummer for this band, Benny Payton, taught Heath all about Jazz and Swing. Heath had to pay his own way back from Austria when the band ran out of money. [8] Heath heard Bunny Berigan, Tommy Dorsey and Jimmy Dorsey and Paul Whiteman when they toured Europe. [8]

He next played with the Metro-Gnomes, a small band fronted by Hylton's then-wife Ennis Parkes. In the late 1920s, Heath again joined Hylton's larger stage band (also being present on a number of 12-inch "concert" recordings), staying until 1930. [8] Around this time, he also began to play for a number of other dance orchestras.

In 1928, he joined Bert Ambrose's orchestra at the Mayfair Hotel in London and played there until 1935 when he moved on to Sydney Lipton's orchestra at the Grosvenor House. Ambrose, a strict disciplinarian, taught Heath how to be a bandleader. It was during this time that Heath became the most prominent trombone player in Britain, renowned for his perfect tone. He kept playing on numerous recordings as a studio musician, although he concentrated his efforts on the Ambrose band after 1932.

In September 1939 the war caused the immediate disbandment of the Sydney Lipton Band, which was on tour in Scotland at the time. Heath, his wife Moira and children went back to London. In late 1939, Heath joined Maurice Winnick's Dorchester Hotel band.

During the late '30s and early '40s, Heath also played as a sideman on several Benny Carter sessions.

In 1940, Heath joined Geraldo's orchestra and played numerous concerts and broadcasts during the war travelling to the Middle East to play to the Allied Forces-based there. He often became one of the "boys" in Geraldo's vocal group, 'Three Boys and a Girl'.

In 1941, Geraldo asked his band members to submit a favourite tune to include in their broadcasts. Heath had composed a song "That Lovely Weekend", after his wife had written him a poem on a rare weekend together amongst his war travels, and he set this to music. Heath suggested "That Lovely Weekend" to Geraldo and it was orchestrated, with Dorothy Carless on vocal, and was an immediate wartime hit. The royalties from this song and another composition "Gonna Love That Guy" allowed Heath to form his own band.

Heath was inspired by Glenn Miller and his Army Air Force Band and spoke with Miller at length about forming his own band when Miller toured Britain with the USAAF Orchestra. Heath admired the immaculate precision of the Miller ensemble and felt confident that he could emulate Miller's great success with his own orchestra.

In 1944, Heath talked Douglas Lawrence, the Dance Music Organiser for the BBC's Variety Department, into supporting a new band with a broadcasting contract. Lawrence was sceptical as Heath wanted a much larger and more jazz orientated band than anyone had seen in Britain before. [9] This band followed the American model, and featured 5 saxes, 4 trombones, 4 trumpets, piano, guitar, Bass and Drums. The new Ted Heath Band, originally organised as a British "All Star Band" playing only radio dates, was first heard on a BBC broadcast in 1944.

In 1945, the BBC decreed that only permanent, touring bands could appear on radio. So Ted Heath and his Music was officially formed on D-Day, 1944.

In late 1945, American bandleader Toots (Tutti) Camarata [10] came to UK as musical director for the film London Town (1946) starring comedian Sid Field. This film was intended to be Britain's first attempt to emulate the American film musicals of studios such as MGM and Camarata commissioned Heath to provide his band as the nucleus for the film's orchestra. The film was not a success.

Heath arranged a stint at the Winter Gardens at Blackpool in 1946, a Scandinavian tour, a fortnight at the London Casino with Lena Horne, and backed Ella Fitzgerald at the London Palladium.

Huge popularity quickly followed and Heath's Band and his musicians were regular Poll Winners in the Melody Maker ja NME (New Musical Express) – Britain's leading music newspapers. Subsequently, Heath was asked to perform at two Royal Command Performances in front of King George VI in 1948 and 1949. [11]

In 1947 Heath persuaded impresario Val Parnell, uncle of the band's star drummer Jack Parnell, to allow him to hire the London Palladium for alternating Sundays for his Sunday Night Swing Sessions. The band caused a sensation and eventually played 110 Sunday concerts, ending in August 1955, consolidating the band's popular appeal from the late 1940s. These concerts allowed the band to play much more in a jazz idiom than it could in ballrooms. In addition to the Palladium Sunday night concerts the band appeared regularly at the Hammersmith Palais and toured the UK on a weekly basis.

In April 1956 Heath arranged his first American tour. This was a reciprocal agreement between Heath and Stan Kenton, who would tour Britain at the same time as Heath toured the United States. The tour was a major negotiated agreement with the British Musicians' Union and the American Federation of Musicians, which broke a 20-year union deadlock. Heath contracted to play a tour that included Nat King Cole, June Christy and the Four Freshmen that consisted of 43 concerts in 30 cities (primarily the southern states) in 31 days (7,000 miles) climaxing in a Carnegie Hall concert on 1 May 1956. [12] At this performance, the band's instrument truck was delayed by bad weather. The instruments finally arrived just minutes before the curtain rose. The band had no time to warm up or rehearse. There were so many encore calls at the Carnegie Hall performance that Nat King Cole (who was backstage, but not on the bill) had to come out on stage and ask people to leave.

During the tour, Nat King Cole was attacked on stage in Birmingham, Alabama by a group of white segregationists. Heath was so appalled he nearly cancelled the remainder of the tour but was persuaded by Cole to continue. They remained firm friends until Cole died in 1965 and collaborated musically on many occasions. Heath later successfully toured the US again and also toured Australia and Europe.

The 1950s was the most popular period for Ted Heath and His Music during which a substantial repertoire of recordings were made. In 1958 nine albums were recorded. He became a household name throughout the UK, Europe, Australasia and the US. He won the New Musical Express Poll for Best Band/Orchestra each year from 1952 to 1961. [13] Heath was asked to perform at a third Royal Command Performance for King George VI in 1951, and for Elizabeth II in 1954. [11]

He was the subject of This Is Your Life in 1959 when he was surprised by Eamonn Andrews at the BBC Television Theatre. During this period, Heath and his band appeared in several more films (following London Town) including Dance Hall (1950) It’s a Wonderful World (1956) ja Jazz Boat (1960).

In addition to Cole, Heath established close personal and professional relationships with Woody Herman, [9] Count Basie, [9] Marlene Dietrich, [9] Johnny Mathis [9] and Tony Bennett. [9] He worked with Sarah Vaughan, [14] Ella Fitzgerald [15] Lena Horne June Christy Mel Torme The Four Freshmen Donna Hightower and others. His band members included Ronnie Scott, an early member of the band, the pianist Stan Tracey, trumpeters Kenny Baker, Eddie Blair, Duncan Campbell, sax players Don Rendell and Tommy Whittle, trombonists Don Lusher and Wally Smith, drummers Jack Parnell and Ronnie Verrell and double bass Johnny Hawksworth. The addition of singers Dickie Valentine, Lita Roza and Dennis Lotis in the '50s gave the band more teenage appeal. He commissioned scores from all the top arrangers of the era with more than 800 original arrangements as part of the band's library. Arrangers included Tadd Dameron, George Shearing, [16] Reg Owen, John Keating Kenny Graham [17] [18] Ken Moule Bob Farnon Woolf Phillips [19] Ron Roullier Bill Russo [20] Johnny Douglas [21] Ron Goodwin [22] and Ralph Dollimore.

Heath used Decca's Phase 4 Stereo recording methods in the early '60s. He continued to commission a huge number of original scores and arrangements and some of his biggest US chart successes came during this time. He performed continuously and successfully until his health faltered in 1964 suffering a cerebral thrombosis on his 62nd birthday and collapsing on stage in Cardiff. Thereafter the band toured less, but continued to record several albums.

He died in 1969 at the age of 67, but the band re-formed after a Thames Television tribute broadcast in 1976 [5] with the approval of the Heath family, and went on performing concerts. Initially some early 1970s recordings were recorded under the musical direction of Roland Shaw, Ralph Dollimore and Stan Reynolds, [5] but thereafter all recordings were supervised by trombonist Don Lusher, who led the band for 25 years until 2000, with mostly original Heath alumni. The final concert in December 2000, was a sell out at London's Royal Festival Hall, attended by most Heath personnel past and present and the Heath family. [2] The band at that performance was made up almost entirely of players who had played under Ted Heath's leadership. Numerous radio and television tributes have been broadcast over the years.

The band compared favourably with the best of America's big bands in the opinion of Count Basie [9] in his testimonial to Heath on Heath's 21st Anniversary album, and is generally accepted as the best swing band that Britain ever produced. [23]

Heath was married twice, firstly in 1924 to Audrey Keymer who died in 1932. There were two sons from the marriage, Raymond and Robert. His second marriage was to Moira Tracey—a ballet dancer who appeared in one of the first television transmissions by John Logie Baird on the BBC, and became a prolific lyricist and songwriter. She received a special award for services to television, the 'Freedom of the City of London' in recognition of her services to songwriting and a British Academy of Songwriters, Composers and Authors 'Gold Badge Award'. [24] She died on 24 January 2000 in Weybridge, Surrey, England, UK. There were four children from this marriage, Martin, Valerie, Nicholas and Timothy. [7]

Two of Heath's sons, Nick Heath [25] and Tim Heath, continued the musical and entertainment tradition in the family by becoming successful artiste managers, record company and music publishing company owners, and Nick Heath continues his entertainment business career as a music producer and owner of Birdland Records. James Heath (Heath's grandson—Nick Heath's son) is a film and music video director. [26]

Leeds College of Music in Leeds, Yorkshire, United Kingdom has a wide collection of Ted Heath recordings and memorabilia available for research.

Guildhall School of Music and Drama in London has established, in conjunction with the Heath family, "The Ted and Moira Heath Award" for promising jazz musicians.


Back in the 70s, a U-turn really was a U-turn

Despite saying that public expenditure needed cutting back, in the 70s Edward Heath kickstarted the economy by pouring money into health, education and welfare. Photograph: Frank Tewkesbury/Getty Images

Despite saying that public expenditure needed cutting back, in the 70s Edward Heath kickstarted the economy by pouring money into health, education and welfare. Photograph: Frank Tewkesbury/Getty Images

I f Labour and its supporters in the media are to be believed, David Cameron's signature manoeuvre – especially after Ken Clarke backed down on reduced sentences for offenders who plead guilty – is the U-turn. Yesterday, the Mirror even provided a handy reminder of the top 10. Glancing through the list, though, one can't help but wonder if we've begun to stretch the concept to the point of meaninglessness. If it weren't such a cliche, I'd say George Orwell – the ultimate stickler when it comes to politics and the English language – must be turning in his grave.

When I was a boy – back in the 70s when the term was first applied to politics – a U-turn really was a U-turn, not just a decision to nix some half-baked idea you'd floated only to find it was unworkable or unpopular. To execute a U-turn you had to do what skateboarders (yeah, I know, they came in a little bit later) used to call a full one-eighty. You also had to go back on one or more fundamental, ideologically loaded, headline items in the programme to which you were publicly committed at the election that thrust you into office.

People might well value the school milk for the under-fives, the debt advice, the books for kids, and of course the publicly owned forests that have been rescued at the last minute by red-faced ministers forced to abandon their money-saving schemes by a prime minister who's suddenly realised that, in their case, the game isn't worth the candle-end.

But the failure to follow through on those policies – or on the idea of bigger discounts for guilty pleas, anonymity for defendants in rape cases or automatic imprisonment for carrying a knife – hardly qualifies as ripping the heart out of the programme on which either the Lib Dems or the Conservatives were elected.

It certainly doesn't compare to what Ted Heath, undisputed king of the U-turn, got up to in 1972 – the year he earned the derision and despair of the Tory party's proto-Thatcherites by exercising a series of screeching U-turns on what they had been led to believe was the road to redemption.

Public expenditure, said the Conservative manifesto of 1970, needed cutting back. But faced with unemployment rising to over 1 million for the first time since 1947, the government kickstarted the economy by pouring money into health, education, and welfare, most of it spent by Margaret Thatcher and Keith Joseph – the colleagues who then turned on Heath after he lost two elections in one year in 1974.

The Conservatives had also promised they were no longer in the business of rescuing "lame ducks" – industrial concerns that couldn't pay their way without government assistance. Nor would they spray money willy-nilly at economically underperforming regions of the UK. Before long, though, the government felt obliged to nationalise a number of basket cases, boost regional subsidies and pass an Industry Act so interventionist that it left Tony Benn licking his lips.

Even more humiliatingly, the Tories in opposition had promised categorically never to go back to statutory control of prices and incomes, but that's exactly what Heath had to do after a series of strikes and the failure of the TUC and CBI to agree on a voluntary solution meant there was no other way – other than deflating the economy and returning to mass unemployment (what some see as Thatcher's solution) – of taming inflation.

Poor old Ted even took flak from some Tories for his humanitarian decision to allow in over 25,000 Asians thrown out of Uganda by Idi Amin after the Conservative manifesto promised to take tough action on immigration.

Nothing the Cameron government has yet done comes close to any of this – except perhaps the homeopathic-level dilution of Andrew Lansley's NHS plans. Strictly speaking, though, even that doesn't qualify since those proposals arguably represented a negation rather than a fulfilment of the Tories' manifesto pledges on health.

If (and, given the post-Heath Conservative party's understandable aversion to real U-turns, it's a big if) you catch Cameron putting deficit reduction on ice for the sake of growth and jobs, then get back to me. For the moment, U-turn if you want to: the gentleman's not for turning.


Sir Edward Heath

When Edward Heath, who has died aged 89, took Britain into the European Economic Community in 1971, it was the culmination of a lifetime of undeviating effort. Europe was his great theme - from his maiden speech in 1950 on the Schuman plan for coordinating western Europe's steel industries, to the ones he was still making half a century later, when Tony Blair was in 10 Downing Street and his own battles with his successor as Conservative leader, Margaret Thatcher, had entered history.

When an earlier Conservative prime minister, Harold Macmillan, first applied to join the then European Common Market in the early 1960s, Heath was in charge of the unsuccessful British negotiating team. His widely praised work won him the Charlemagne prize.

Shortly before Heath became prime minister in 1970, the third British application to join the Common Market had been submitted by Labour's Harold Wilson. But Wilson's singleness of purpose was in doubt. Heath's was not. On October 28 1971, the Commons voted with a 112 majority to go into Europe.

After that, little went well. Singlemindedness and determination could also look like obstinacy and arrogance. Heath had won the 1970 election - against all the forecasts - with a majority of 30 and an unchallenged personal authority he lost that in 1974, amid gloom and industrial chaos.

The 1970 victory had been preceded by talk of competitiveness, lower taxes, the hunting down of "lame duck" industry, a curb on public spending and an assault on what was seen as untrammelled trade union power. But then events, as Macmillan would have said, intruded.

In 1971 Rolls-Royce faced bankruptcy and was partly nationalised and bailed out, as was Upper Clyde Shipbuilders. The attack on unions triggered the 1972 saga of the Pentonville 5, while the battle with the miners ended in victory for the NUM. Public spending rocketed. In Northern Ireland, internment was followed by Bloody Sunday and the beginning of the IRA assault on mainland Britain.

Internationally, in the wake of the Yom Kippur war, energy prices went up four-fold, and in 1973-74 there was renewed conflict with the NUM, the slide into the three-day week and the February 1974 election, called around the slogan, "Who governs?" The answer turned out to be Wilson, after a near dead-heat between the Labour and the Conservatives.

Wilson called another election that October. He won a majority of three, but for many Tory MPs losing was a sin. In 1975, Margaret Thatcher won the leadership from Heath. While it may have been radical for the Conservatives to choose a woman, from Heath's point of view the irony was that they had chosen another meritocrat.

For that was where he had come in. His party had seen the need in the mid-1960s to set Heath, their own meritocrat, to catch Labour's formidable Wilson, and that confrontation dominated a decade of British parliamentary life.

Wilson was loquacious, self-justifying, scornful, though anxious to please, fundamentally warm-hearted. Heath was tight-lipped, introverted, seemingly cold. Yet his performance was more effective than the headlines often made out, even if his carelessness about image-building must at times have been the despair of what are now labelled spin doctors.

After Thatcher toppled him, his incapacity to do or say the right thing verged on high comedy. He regarded her as authoritarian, egotistical, intolerant, an aberration among Conservative leaders. There was no doubting their mutual dislike.

Pointedly she left him out of her shadow cabinet when he and many observers were expecting him to be offered the foreign affairs brief. One of the most bizarre episodes in 20th century Britain's politics ensued.

Onlookers were astonished, delighted, appalled, according to temperament and party. Some were all three as Heath delivered speech after critical speech. It might all have been dismissed as disgruntled soliloquies from a soured man, were it not that the drama increasingly involved the central theme of Heath's career: Europe. Thatcher, as he saw things, was pursuing a narrow nationalism that militated against this country playing a full part in Europe.

The great issue is still unresolved, all these years after Heath led the British to Brussels. This lingering insularity, encouraged by what he regarded as the obstinate egotism and narrow vision of his successor, provided him with a cause that saved him from that elder statesman's fate of subsiding into the Lords or persisting on the Commons backbenches like an extinct volcano. Heath declined to be extinct. He and his great theme remained active. And after Thatcher's memorable fall in November 1990, her predecessor wore Westminster's widest, toothiest smile and borrowed one of her own phrases: "Rejoice, rejoice".

In July, 1965, Heath was the first Conservative leader to be chosen by secret ballot of MPs, the election having broken with the patrician system by which his predecessor, Sir Alec Douglas-Home, had "emerged" as leader in 1963. But it was Douglas-Home during his leadership who had instituted that ballot as a means of selecting, and deselecting, leaders.

Heath's origin and career were in sharp contrast with those of his aristocratic predecessor. His father had been a Kent carpenter before becoming a master builder, his mother a lady's maid. Born in Broadstairs, he began his education as a choral scholar at St Peter's, the local Church of England school, at seven he began piano lessons. He won a scholarship to Chatham House grammar school, Ramsgate, took his school certificate at 13, was playing the organ at 14 and conducting at 15. He won an organ scholarship to Balliol College, Oxford, became president of the university Conservative association in 1937 and of the Oxford Union in 1939.

In those times he visited Nazi Germany and attended a Nuremberg rally, and, as a supporter of the Spanish republic, came under machine gun fire while driving down the Spanish coast. During the 1938 Oxford byelection which Quintin Hogg, the future Lord Hailsham, won as the pro-appeasement Conservative candidate, Heath worked for the anti-appeasement candidate, the then Master of Balliol, AD Lindsay.

That year too he won a scholarship to Gray's Inn, London. He never took it up because in 1939 came the second world war. He fought in north-west Europe with the Honourable Artillery Company, rose to lieutenant-colonel and was awarded the military MBE and mentioned in dispatches.

After the war, Heath became a civil servant, then took a post as news editor of the Church Times in 1947. Thatcher would have her husband's wealth behind her, but Heath, like John Major, William Hague , Iain Duncan-Smith, and Michael Howard, had to earn a living.

In 1948, he became a trainee in the finance house of Brown, Shipley and Company.

In 1949 at Bexley's "bread-rationing byelection" he reduced the Labour majority from 11,000 to 1,000. At the 1950 general election he won the redistributed seat with a 133 majority. After the Conservatives won the 1951 general election, he became a junior whip and resigned from Brown, Shipley to devote himself to politics.

He was energetic, thorough, efficient and a master both of detail and of his temper. The public had some idea of his political attitudes from his contribution to the seminal Conservative pamphlet, One Nation (1950). But then he remained silent in the Commons as deputy chief whip (1953-55) and chief whip (1955-59), before emerging as labour minister.

From 1960-63, he was Lord Privy Seal with Foreign Office responsibilities and as such handled the Common Market negotiations. He was in his element, dealing with like-minded men over details of trade. Never caught out by questions, he emerged as a fervent European.

When Sir Alec Douglas-Home succeeded Macmillan as prime minister in 1963, Heath was promoted to secretary of state for industry, trade and regional development and president of the board of trade. His main work was to secure the enactment of the resale prices bill which, against stiff Conservative opposition, limited the scope of price agreements.

It was not until the Conservatives lost office in October, 1964, that the House had a fair opportunity to judge Heath's ability in a wider context. His ability, familiarity with trade and finance, toughness in controversy - all fed belief among Conservatives that he was the man to restore them to power. Nevertheless, when the leadership election came, in 1965, Heath did not win outright. But his rivals Reginald Maudling and Enoch Powell withdrew their candidacies before the second ballot and Heath became leader.

He was promptly confronted with the task of preserving party unity over policy towards Ian Smith's white minority regime in Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), when it made its 1965 unilateral declaration of independence. UDI challenged the authority of the crown and parliament and Wilson's government took steps - mainly sanctions - to undermine the Smith regime. There was a strong Conservative element, led by Lord Salisbury, which supported Smith. But, backed by Douglas-Home, Heath overcame the revolt.

Then came 1966, the high tide of Wilson's political ascendancy, a 98-seat Labour majority in place of the four-seat majority which had determined the 1964 result. Probably no Conservative could have defeated Labour in that year, but for Heath's enemies, later, that defeat would be seen as a harbinger of worst times to come.

By 1968 Labour's popularity had plummetted. Yet it was that April that Powell made his "rivers of blood" speech on immigration. Neither Heath, nor any of his colleagues had been consulted. The Conservative leader sacked Powell, and thus opened up a fissure in his party which persisted.

In June 1970 Wilson called an election. He, and much of the media, assumed that victory was in the bag for Labour. But it was to be Heath's triumph, although it would last less than four years.

But Heath had hinterland, as his Oxford contemporary Denis Healey would say. By the time he quit the Commons in 2001, he was Father of the House, yet another addition to the honours, political, academic and artistic which he accumulated. And there was the music and the yachting. The latter saw him win the 1969 Sydney to Hobart race, captain Britain's 1971 Admiral's Cup team and be part of the 1980 Sardinia Cup team. His books included his Godkin lectures, Old World, New Horizons (1970), and Sailing A Course In My Life (1975).

Michael White writes: To stay in public life for 26 years after being rejected resoundingly by the electorate and one's own party suggests either implacable determination or bloody-minded stubbornness. In Heath's case it was both. Winston Churchill, the patron of his early promotion, was clearly his model. Both spurned the Lords, but Churchill was 80, not 58, when he left No 10 trailing only slightly tarnished glory, not humiliation.

Critics dubbed it the longest sulk in parliamentary history. But Heath had much to say on many topics and, as a man whose sleeve had been brushed by Hitler's at a rally in Nuremberg in 1937, he brought increasingly unique insights to the task.

At times during the years he sat in his corner seat below the Commons gangway, it seemed as if he was determined to stay there until Thatcher was not only politically down, but ideologically out as well. Had he lived to attend her funeral, one can imagine him thinking he had finally made his point.

But nothing proved so cut and dried. The limits of economic Thatcherism had been demonstrated, especially in its monetarist manifestation. But the deregulated, privatised, market-oriented world she helped to create - rather more successfully than his own efforts - had triumphed almost everywhere.

As for Europe, the great cause of Heath's career, Britain's place in it, in the wake of the Dutch and French referendums is still not clear. Heath's contempt for wilder Eurosceptic Tory talk of withdrawal from the European Union , or membership of the North American Free Trade Agreement, was always total. It could be counter-productive in a house increasingly peopled by Tory MPs who had been taught to regard him as a traitor and by Labour ones who thought, wrongly, that he was almost one of them.

Towards the end he was often lumped together with his near-contemporary, Tony Benn. "Good Riddance" declared a Sunday Telegraph profile when the pair retired as MPs four years ago.

But right until the end of his parliamentary career he remained, like Benn, a speaker who could half-fill a near-empty chamber. Europe was his overriding preoccupation and he coupled it with a wariness of American policy and motives which made him the least pro-Washington postwar premier.

Industrial policy, relations with Russia and the wider world, especially China, where he advised the Beijing government and often defended it, were frequent topics. The author of the "unacceptable face of capitalism" jibe (his target was Lonrho) attacked corruption and poor performance among the captains of industry, deepening Tory enmity as much as his opposition to some of his party's privatisations.

That particular paradox was underlined when he spoke out fiercely against the widespread perception in the 1990s "sleaze era" that most MPs are less than honest and honourable. When he took that stance to the point of attacking the Nolan commission's report on reforming parliamentary accountability, few thought him wise.

Friends who had taken his finances in hand in the 1970s helped make him comfortably well off. In addition to the yacht Morning Cloud, Heath owned a modest terrace house in Wilton Street, Belgravia, and another, much more magnificent and dating from Queen Anne, in Salisbury's Cathedral Close.

Of the Chinese government's decision to put down the Tiananmen Square demonstrations in 1989, he said: "There was a crisis after a month in which the civil authorities had been defied. They took action. Very well." And his conciliatory approach to Saddam Hussein also attracted widespread criticism.

He was asked if he ever wondered if he was making the mistake that Neville Chamberlain had made. "No", he replied. In his defence, it could be said that former soldiers who have seen war are least keen to inflict it on others. But there was recurring evidence that he could be insensitive to democratic demands and insufficiently wary of authoritarian regimes.

As MP for Bexley, Bexley Sidcup and Old Bexley and Sidcup from 1950 - when his majority had been smaller than the number of votes which Mr Job, the Communist party candidate, took off Labour (he often toasted Mr Job) - Heath kept a good agent who looked after constituents' needs, and he did not outstay his welcome among local loyalists until close to the end. Whe he stood down in 2001, Derek Conway, a Eurosceptic ex-whip, won the seat.

The same election Tony Benn's seat went to the Lib Dems. Such are the indignities of political old age. But Heath's were more extensive, unusually so. His complaint was that the Thatcherites who so brilliantly ousted him from the leadership in 1975, never accorded him the courtesies to which an ex-leader and premier was entitled. Invitations to consult, or to No 10 dinners, were virtually non-existent. There was no cabinet job offered when Mrs Thatcher won office in 1979, except some vague talk of the Washington embassy, which he took (rightly) as an insult.

Apart from the Brandt commission on international development and north-south relations (1977-83), which was out of touch with the harsher temper of the times, he undertook few big public tasks, preferring to become what his lieutenant, Ian Gilmour, later called "the most distinguished backbencher since Richard Cobden" the Victorian apostle of free trade.

But his style, never light, underlined the impression that he was sulking. Even his jokes had a habit of sounding like pomposity or bad temper to those who did not know him. Often they were self-deprecating, albeit disguised.

For many years he invited a group of political reporters to dinner on the eve of the Tory conference, at Salisbury in the south or the Riverside hotel at Poulton-le-Fylde when the conference was in Blackpool. He may have had half an eye on the good opinion of posterity, but it was also generous. Reporters in their 30s could hear, firsthand of that brush with Hitler's arm.

"I am very good with widows," Heath would say. Certainly his later career, despite his many frustrations and disappointments, was neither lonely nor friendless. Lady Soames and Lady Woolf, the widow of his chief of staff, were among many who stayed loyal.

And if there had never been a wife to console his solitude there was always music. He was still to be found at the Salzburg annual music festival until 2003.

Heath claimed to have visited every country in the world except North Korea, Bolivia and Paraguay. In many countries he was treated rather more respectfully than at home, where his candour was redefined as petulance by his critics

He remained determined that he would be vindicated, until close to the end.

· Edward Richard George Heath, politician, born July 9 1916 died July 17 2005.

· This obituary has been revised and updated since the deaths of Francis Boyd, in 1995 and Norman Shrapnel last year.


Edward Heath (1525 - 1593)

He made his last Will on 06 March 1592/3 and was buried 2 days later on 08 Mar 1592/93 at Ware, Hertfordshire, England.

His estate was in probate court on 23 Mar 1592/93.

Disputed Origins

Edward Heath was NOT the son of Robert Heath.

Extracts from the last Will of Edward Heath of Ware .

. "I'm a collermaker, sycke in bodie" .

He asked to be buried in the churchyard of Ware and made the following bequests .

"unto Alyce my warylandyff xl a yere duryng her lyff. And her dwellyng in my howse, that ys to saye the chamber that she nowe useth to lie yn wthall moveables of household stuff nowe thereyn, the kytchen & the buttrye, wth ffree egresse ingresse & regresse into the same & easyaments in the backsyde durying her natural lyff. And a table with a ffourme in the hall provided, always.

And my wyll ys that two of my daughters, Elen & Kateryn, shall have all the aforesaid houshold stuff, after my wyffs decease equallie to be devided betwene them by the discreccon of my sonn Willm.

To my said two daughters, Elen & Kateryn, xx s a pece to be payd them at the daye of their maryage.

To Johan my daughter, vj s viij d to be payd to her within one yere after my decease.

To my daughter Johan, her sonn xiij s viij d to be paid at his age of xv yeres.

To Elizabeth my daughter, vj s viij d within one yere after my decease . to eyther of her children John & Margrett, vj s viij d a pece, at their age of xv yeres

To Thomas my sonn, xl s whereof xx s to be payd wthin one yere after my ddecease.

And the other xx s wthin the next yere then next ffolowyng.

To my sonn John, xx s to be payd hym wthin one yere next after my decease.

To my daughter Margaretts children now alyve v s a pece to be payd at their age of xv yeres afteter my decease.

To my sonn Willm, all that my nowe dwelling house wthall the edifice yards gardens wthall the Appurtenances therunto belongyng scituat in lytle Amwell in the countie of Hertf to hym & his heyres for ever, And all the resideue of my goods & moveables unbequeathed . to my sonne Willm his children nowe alyve vj s viij d a pece at their age of xviij yeres.

All wch severall somes of money to be payd by my sonn Willm, whom I do ordeyne & make my sole Executor of this my last Wyll & Testament.

[The following bequest is written on the left margin, evidently intended to be part of the main body of the Will]

Itm - I geve unto my sonn Robt, xl s wherof xx s wthin one yere after my decease and the other xx s wthin the yere then followyng. And all my apparell.

Itm - I geve unto everie of my sonn Robert his children v s a pece to be payd to them at the age of xv age.


Vaata videot: Crown Heath Raindrop Prelude