Millal juhtus esmakordselt sõnumite kirjutamine pommidele?

Millal juhtus esmakordselt sõnumite kirjutamine pommidele?


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Tahaksin teada, millal ja miks, esmakordselt ilmusid pommidele kirjutatud sõnumid. Eriti kui ainult USA meeskonnaliikmed kasutasid seda sõjaoperatsioonide ajal.


Seda tehti iidsetest aegadest ja praktika lihtsalt jätkus.

Roomlased panid troppidele vapralt väikesi solvanguid, et lisada vaenlase vastu lisatükki.

Allikas

Mõned neist naljadest olid kahjutud

Olge hästi majutatud
Pompey tagumise poole jaoks

Ja mõned olid selgemad.

Ma nägin teleprogrammi, kus saatejuht tõlkis paar valik solvamist.

Aga põhimõtteliselt on see sõnumite saatmine vaenlasele alati toimunud. Sõdurid tüdinevad mõõkade teritamisest, nii et laske oma kujutlusvõimel märatseda, et tõsta moraali, tehes tüütuid nalju kui teie kaasmaalased.

Mis puudutab lennukitele kantavat laskemoona, siis saabub see varsti pärast lennukiga lahingumoona esmakordset paigutamist…


Tuumajalgpall

The tuumajalgpall (tuntud ka kui aatomi jalgpall, presidendi hädakott, Presidendi hädaabikott, [1] nuppu, must kastvõi lihtsalt Jalgpall) on portfell, mille sisu peab Ameerika Ühendriikide president kasutama tuumarünnaku lubamiseks, olles eemal kindlatest juhtimiskeskustest, näiteks Valge Maja olukorraruumist või presidendi hädaolukorra operatsioonide keskusest. See toimib Ameerika Ühendriikide strateegilise kaitsesüsteemi mobiilse sõlmpunktina. Seda korraldab abiline.


Hiroshima pommitamine: 6. august 1945

Paul Tibbets ja Enola Gay. Joseph Papalia kollektsiooni viisakalt.

0000: Kolonel Paul Tibbets annab meeskonna salongi ühes otsas viimase briifingu eripommitusmissiooni nr 13 meeskondadele, mis koosnevad seitsmest B-29-st. Valiku sihtmärgiks jääb Hiroshima. Tibbets on piloot, Robert Lewis on relvalennuki teine ​​piloot Enola Gay. Kaks vaatluslennukit (Suur kunstnik ja Vajalik kurjus) oleks kaasas kaamerad ja teaduslik varustus ning kaasas Enola Gay.

0015: Tibbets kutsub kohale kaplani William Downey, kes kutsub meeskondi pead langetama. Seejärel loeb Downey palve, mille ta spetsiaalselt selleks puhuks koostas.

„Kõigeväeline Isa, kes kuuleb sind armastavate inimeste palvet, maksame sulle, et sa oled nendega, kes julgevad su taeva kõrgusi ja viivad lahingu meie vaenlaste kätte. Valvame ja kaitseme neid, palume sind, kui nad lendavad oma määratud lendudega. Olgu nii nemad kui ka meie teie jõudu ja väge tundvad ning teie väega relvastatud nad selle sõja kiiresti lõpule viiksid. Me palume Sind, et sõja lõpp saaks varsti kätte ja et me saaksime veel kord teada rahu maa peal. Olgu need mehed, kes sel ööl lendavad, teie hoole all ja olgu nad meile turvaliselt tagasi saadetud. Me läheme Sind usaldades edasi, teades, et oleme Sinu hoole all nüüd ja igavesti. Jeesuse Kristuse nimel. Aamen. "

0112: Veoautod võtavad peale kahe vaatluslennuki meeskonnad, mis sellega kaasnevad Enola Gay.

0115: Veoauto võtab peale meeskonna Enola Gay. Ees istuvad koos juhiga Tibbets ja Parsons. Veoauto taga on hollandlane Van Kirk, Thomas Ferebee, Robert Lewis, Jacob Beser, Morris Jeppson, Bob Caron, Robert Shumard, Joseph Stiborik ja Richard Nelson. Meeskond kannab kahvaturohelisi võitluskombinesoone. Ainus tunnus, mis neil on, on koerasildid kaelas. Jacob Beseri koera märgis on heebrea keeles templiga "H".

0137: Kolm ilmalennukit, Straight Flush, Jabit III ja Full House, stardivad, igaüks on sõltumatult määratud hindama Hiroshima, Kokura ja Nagasaki ilmastikutingimusi.

0151: Suur Hais asub ooterežiimi Iwo Jima streigi tagavaralennukina.

0220: Finaal Enola Gay on tehtud meeskonna foto. Tibbets pöördub oma meeskonna poole ja ütleb: "Olgu, lähme tööle."

0227: Enola GayMootorid käivitatakse.

0235: Enola Gay jõuab maandumisrajal oma stardipositsiooni.

0245: Enola Gay algab stardirull. Kolonel Paul Tibbets ütleb kaaspiloodile Robert Lewisele: "Lähme." Ta lükkab kõik gaasipedaalid edasi. Ülekoormatud Enola Gay tõuseb aeglaselt öötaevasse, kasutades ära enam kui kahe miili raja.

0249: Vajalik kurjus stardib.

0255: Kümme minutit pärast õhkutõusmist kirjutab hollandlane Van Kirk oma esialgse sissekande navigaatori logisse.

0300: Kapten William "Deak" Parsons koputab Tibbetsi õlale, näidates, et nad hakkavad Väikest Poissi relvastama. Parsons ja elektroonilise katseohvitser Morris Jeppson ronivad pommilahte.

0310: Parsons sisestab püssirohu ja detonaatori väikese poisi sisse.

0320: Parsons ja Jeppson viivad laengu väikese poisi sisse ja ronivad pommilahest välja.

0420: Van Kirk annab eeldatava saabumisaja Iwo Jima kohale kell 05:52.

0600: B-29-d kohtuvad Iwo Jima kohal, ronivad 9300 jala kõrgusele ja suunduvad Jaapanisse.

0715: Jeppson eemaldab väikese poisi turvaseadmed ja paneb relvastusseadmed sisse (muutes rohelised pistikud punasteks).

0730: Tibbets teatab meeskonnale: "Me kanname maailma esimest aatomipommi." Ta survestab Enola Gay ja algab tõus 32 700 jala kõrgusele. Meeskond paneb selga langevarjud ja ülikonnad.

0809: Ilmalennukid lendavad võimalike sihtlinnade kohal. Hiroshimas edastatakse õhurünnakuhoiatus.

0824: Piloot Sirge loputus ilmalennuk saadab Tibbetsile kodeeritud sõnumi, milles öeldakse: „Pilvkate kõigis kõrgustes on alla 3/10 osa. Nõuanne: esmane pomm. "Tibbets lülitab sisse intercomi ja teatab:" See on Hiroshima. " Seejärel palub Tibbets Richard Nelsonil saata Iwo Jima eskadroni turvaülemale William L. Uannale ühe sõna sõnum: "Esmane."

0831: Ilmalennukid lahkuvad oma asukohast. Hiroshimas kõlab kõik selge.

0850: Lendades 31 000 jalga, Enola Gay ületab Shikoku otse Hiroshima ida pool. Pommitamistingimused on head, sihtmärk on kergesti nähtav ja vastuseisu ei kohta.

0905: Van Kirk teatab: "Kümme minutit AP -ni." Enola Gay asub Hiroshima linna esmakordsel vaatamisel 31 060 jala kõrgusel ja õhukiirusega 200 miili tunnis. Jaapani meres on tõusulaine, nii et Ota jõe seitse haru on täiesti täis ja paigal. Meesõpilased on teel laskemoona tehasesse. Koolitüdrukud lammutavad juba rohkem hooneid, et tekitada täiendavaid tuletõrjeradu.

0912: Kontroll Enola Gay antakse pommitaja Thomas Ferebee kätte pommitamise alguses. Raadio Hiroshima operaator teatab, et märgatud on kolme lennukit.

0914: Tibbets ütleb oma meeskonnale: "Prillidel."

0914:17 (0814: 17 Hiroshima aeg): Ferebee sihtmärk, T-kujuline Aioi sild, on selgelt nähtav. 60-sekundiline jada pommi automaatseks vabastamiseks on seotud Nordeni pommipildiga. Luis Alvarez, üks Manhattani projekti vanemteaduritest pardal Suur kunstnik, vabastab langevarjudel kaks manomeetrit, et määrata pommi saagikus. Maapinnal olevad inimesed, vaadates pommitajat kuus miili kõrgemal, jälgivad väikest eset, kui see alla ujub.

0915: 15 (8:15:15 Hiroshima aeg): Pommilahe uksed avanevad kiiresti ja väike poiss kukub oma kinnituskonksust välja. Ferebee teatab: "Pomm ära." Nina Enola Gay tõuseb kümme jalga, kui 9700 naela väike poisi pomm vabaneb 31 060 jala kõrgusel. Tibbets tõmbab kohe Enola Gay järsuks 155 -kraadiseks pöördeks paremale. Ferebee vaatab, kuidas pomm kõigub, enne kui see kiirust kogub ja minema kukub.

Kohapeal kutsutakse välja teine ​​õhurünnaku hoiatus. Täiendava 44,4 sekundi vältel Enola Gay lendab jätkuvalt põhja poole, kui pomm langeb sihtmärgi poole. Kui määratud detonatsioonikõrgus on saavutatud, plahvatab väike poiss Hiroshima linna kohal.

Plahvatuse ajal oli Enola Gay on juba üksteist ja pool miili kaugusel. Tibbets, selg plahvatuse poole, jälgib hõbedast sinist sähvatust ja kogeb suus kummalist tunnet, sama tunnet, nagu puudutaks kahvliga pliid ja hõbetäidiseid suus.

Bob Caron, tema tagalaskur Enola Gay, on ainus meeskonnaliige, kes plahvatuse ajal Hiroshimaga silmitsi seisab. Ta näeb lennuki poole tulevat atmosfääris virvendust. Saamata aru, mis toimub, jääb Caron vaikseks. Varsti pärast seda tabas esimest kolmest järjestikusest lööklainest Enola Gay ja kere krigiseb ja ohkab kortsuva alumiiniumfooliumi häälega.

0916: 02 (8:16:02 Hiroshima aeg): Pärast neljakümne kolme sekundiga ligi kuue miili kukkumist plahvatab Väike Poiss 1968 jalga dr Shima kliiniku kohal, 550 jala kaugusel Aioi silla sihtpunktist. Tuuma lõhustumine algab 0,15 mikrosekundiga ühe neutroniga, käivitades ülekriitilise ahelreaktsiooni, mis tõstab temperatuuri pommikorpuse laiali puhumise ajal mitme miljoni Fahrenheiti kraadini kuumemaks kui päikesepind. Saagikus on 12,5-18 Kt (parim hinnang on 15 Kt).

See on Hiroshima hommikuse tipptunni tipp. Linna kohal laieneb tulekera kiiresti.

.1 sekundit: Tulekera on laienenud saja jala läbimõõduga koos temperatuuriga 500 000 ° F. Neutronid ja gammakiired jõuavad maapinnale. Ioniseeriv kiirgus põhjustab suurema osa kiirguskahjustustest inimestele, loomadele ja teistele bioloogilistele organismidele.

.15 sekundit: Ülekuumenenud õhk maapinnast hõõgub. Naine, kes istub Ota jõe kaldal, pool miili maapinnast eemal asuvatel treppidel, aurustub koheselt.

0,2-0,3 sekundit: Intensiivne infrapunaenergia vabaneb ja põletab paljastatud nahka koheselt kilomeetrite kaupa igas suunas. Hoone katusekivid sulanduvad kokku. Sulab pronksist Buddha kuju ja isegi graniitkivid. Katusekivid sulanduvad kokku, puidust telefonipostid karboniseeruvad ja muutuvad söesarnaseks. Inimeste ja loomade pehmed siseorganid (siseelundid) aurustuvad. Plahvatuslaine levib väljapoole kahe miili sekundis või 7200 miili tunnis.

1,0 sekundit ja kauem: Tulekera saavutab oma maksimaalse suuruse, umbes 900 jalga läbimõõduga. Plahvatuslaine aeglustub umbes helikiiruseks (768 miili tunnis). Temperatuur maapinnal vahetult plahvatuse (hüpotsentri) all on 7000 ° F. Seenepilv hakkab moodustuma.

Plahvatuslaine levitab tuld väljapoole igas suunas kiirusega 984 miili tunnis ning rebib ja kõrvetab riided igalt teelt eemal olevalt inimeselt. Plahvatuslaine tabab Hiroshimat ümbritsevaid mägesid ja tuleb tagasi. Ligikaudu 60 000 linna 90 000 hoonest lammutab intensiivne tuul ja tuletorm.

Ligikaudu 525 jalga hüpotsentrist edelas on tööstuslike toodete väljapaneku saali kuplit kattev vaskvooder kadunud, paljastades kupli skeletitaolise talastruktuuri. Suurem osa hoone tellistest ja kivist jääb siiski paigale.

Hüpotsentris olev maapind jahtub temperatuurini 5400 ° F. Seenepilv ulatub umbes 2500 jala kõrgusele. Klaasikillud purunenud akendest on kõikjal, isegi betoonseintes. Tulekera hakkab hämarduma, kuid säilitab siiski heleduse, mis võrdub 10,5 -kordse päikesevalgusega 5,5 miili kaugusel.

Tuumavarjud ilmuvad esmakordselt äärmusliku soojuskiirguse tagajärjel. Need varjud on inimeste ja objektide piirjooned, mis blokeerisid soojuskiirguse. Näiteks on naine, kes istus Ota jõe kalda lähedal trepil. Betoonist jääb ainult vari, kus ta istus. Asfaldisse jääb vaid see vari, kui mees tõmbab vankrit üle tänava. Terasventiili ratta vari ilmub betoonseinale otse selle taha, kuna ratta kontuur blokeeris soojuskiirguse.

Russell Gackenbach, pardal olev navigaator Vajalik kurjus, 15 miili kaugusel aatomiplahvatusest on valgustatud nii heleda valgusega, et isegi kaitseprillide korral oleks ta võinud lugeda tasku piibli peent trükki.

Kohapeal möllab tuletorm piirkonnas, mis oli nüüdseks kasvanud üle miili laiuseks. Taevas hakkab kerkima õudne, märatsev punane ja lilla mass. Seenekolonn imeb ülekuumenenud õhku, mis süütab põlema kõik põleva. Bob Caron võrdleb seda vaatepilti "põrgusse piilumisega".

Parsonsi koostatud kodeeritud sõnum saadetakse kindral Thomas Farrellile Tinianis. See märkis: „Selge, kõikides aspektides edukas. Nähtavad efektid suuremad kui Alamogordo. Pärast tarnimist on lennukis normaalsed tingimused. Liigume baasi juurde. "

Enola Gay tiirutab Hiroshimas kokku kolm korda, alustades 29 200 jala kõrguselt ja ronides 30 000 jala kõrgusele, enne kui suundute koju. See asus Hiroshimast 368 miili kaugusel, enne kui Caron teatas, et seenepilvi pole enam näha.

0930 (0830 Hiroshima aeg): Kure mereväebaas saadab Tokyole sõnumi, et Hiroshimale on pomm maha lastud.

1055 (0955 Hiroshima aeg): USA tabab Jaapani 12. õhudivisjoni sõnumi, milles teatatakse „vägivaldsest suurest eripommist, mis annab magneesiumi välimuse”.

1100 (1000 Hiroshima aega): Hiroshima sõnum armeeministeeriumile viitab uue Ameerika pommi kohta käivale teabele ja teatab, et "see peabki olema".

1458: Enola Gay maandub Tiniani saarel North Fieldis. Esimene aatomipommitamismissioon on kestnud kokku kaksteist tundi ja kolmteist minutit.

1500 (1400 Tokyo aja järgi): Domei uudisteagentuuri telegramm Tokyos teatab rünnakust Hiroshimale, kuid mitte hävingu ulatusest.

Õhtu: Jaapani valitsusjuht teatas Hiroshimas tohututest hävingutest.


Millal juhtus esmakordselt sõnumite kirjutamine pommidele? - Ajalugu

POTSDAM JA LÕPLIK OTSUS POMMA KASUTADA
(Potsdam, Saksamaa, juuli 1945)
Sündmused ja gt Aatomiajastu koit, 1945

  • Sõda jõuab lõppfaasi, 1945
  • Arutelu pommi kasutamise üle, 1945. aasta hiliskevad
  • Kolmainsuse test, 16. juuli 1945
  • Ohutus ja kolmainsuse test, juuli 1945
  • Kolmainsuse hinnangud, juuli 1945
  • Potsdam ja lõplik otsus pommile, juuli 1945
  • Hiroshima aatomipommitamine, 6. august 1945
  • Nagasaki aatomipommitamine, 9. august 1945
  • Jaapan alistub, 10.-10. August 1945
  • Manhattani projekt ja Teine maailmasõda, 1939-1945

Pärast President Harry S. Truman sai teate edust Kolmainsuse test, vähenes tema vajadus Nõukogude Liidu abi järele sõjas Jaapani vastu oluliselt. Nõukogude liider Jossif Stalin oli lubanud Jaapaniga sõda alustada 15. augustiks. Truman ja tema nõustajad polnud nüüd kindlad, kas nad seda abi tahavad. Kui aatomipommi kasutamine võimaldaks võitu ilma invasioonita, kutsuks Nõukogude abi vastuvõtmine neid vaid aruteludesse Jaapani sõjajärgse saatuse üle. Liitlaste arutelude teisel nädalal Potsdamis, 24. juuli õhtul 1945, lähenes Truman ilma tõlkita Stalinile ja ütles talle nii juhuslikult kui võimalik, et USA -l on "ebatavalise hävitava jõu uus relv". Stalin tundis vähe huvi, vastates vaid, et loodab, et USA kasutab seda "jaapanlaste vastu hästi ära". Stalini meelekindluse põhjus selgus hiljem: Nõukogude luure oli teavet saanud aatomipommiprogrammi kohta alates 1941. aasta sügisest.

Lõplik otsus aatompommist loobuda, kui see tehti järgmisel päeval, 25. juulil, oli selgelt kliimavastane. Kuidas ja millal seda kasutada, oli teemaks kõrgetasemeline arutelu kuudeks. Direktiiv (paremal), kirjutanud Leslie Groves, mille on heaks kiitnud president Truman ja mille on välja andnud sõjasekretär Henry Stimson ja armee kindral George Marshall, käskis armee õhujõudude 509. komposiitrühmal rünnata Hiroshimat, Kokurat, Niigatat või Nagasakit (eelistatud järjekorras) kohe pärast seda. 3. augustil, kui ilm lubab. Järgnevate aatomirünnakute jaoks ei olnud vaja täiendavat luba. Täiendavad pommid tuli tarnida niipea, kui need olid kättesaadavad, vastu Jaapani linnadele, mis jäid sihtnimekirja. Stalinile ei öeldud. Sihtimine sõltus nüüd lihtsalt sellest, millist linna rünnakupäeval pilved ei varjanud.

Kolonel Paul Tibbetsi 509. oli valmis. Nad olid juba alustanud oma mannekeenist "kõrvitsa" pommide laskmist Jaapani sihtmärkidele nii harjutamiseks kui ka jaapanlaste harjumiseks väikese arvu B-29 lendudega. Uraani "väike poiss" pomm, millest on maha arvatud tuumakomponendid, saabus Tiniani saarele USA laeva pardal Indianapolis juulil, millele järgnesid peagi pommi viimased tuumakomponendid, mille toimetasid kohale viis kaubalennukit C-54. 26. juulil saabus Potsdamisse teade, et Winston Churchill on oma tagasivalimispakkumises lüüa saanud. Mõne tunni jooksul andsid Truman, Stalin ja Clement Attlee (uus Suurbritannia peaminister allpool) Jaapanile hoiatuse: alistuge või kannatage "kiire ja täielik hävitamine". Nagu Stalini puhul, ei mainitud aatomipommi konkreetselt. See "Potsdam Deklaratsioon "jättis keisri staatuse ebaselgeks, viidates kuninglikule majale selles osas, mis lubas jaapanlastele, et nad saavad oma uue valitsuse kujundada seni, kuni see on rahumeelne ja demokraatlikum. Jaapani tsiviiljuhtide seas kasvas sõjavastane meeleolu, kuid rahu ei suudetud sõlmida ilma väejuhtide nõusolekuta. Nad säilitasid siiski lootuse läbirääkimiste teel sõlmitud rahule, kus nad suudaksid vähemalt osa oma vallutustest säilitada või vähemalt vältida Ameerika kodumaa okupeerimist. 29. juulil 1945 Jaapanlased lükkasid Potsdami deklaratsiooni tagasi.

Tõenäoliselt pole 20. sajandi Ameerika ajaloos vaieldavamat küsimust kui president Harry S. Trumani otsus Jaapanile aatomipomm heita. Paljud ajaloolased väidavad, et sõda oli vaja lõpetada ja et see päästis tegelikult nii jaapanlaste kui ka ameeriklaste elusid, vältides Jaapani maarünnakut, mis võis maksta sadu tuhandeid elusid. Teised ajaloolased väidavad, et Jaapan oleks alla andnud isegi ilma aatomipommi kasutamata ning et tegelikult kasutasid Truman ja tema nõunikud pommi ainult Nõukogude Liidu hirmutamiseks. USA teadis Tokyo ja Moskva vahel peetud sõnumitest, et jaapanlased otsivad tingimuslik alistuma. Ameerika poliitikakujundajad aga ei kippunud aktsepteerima Jaapani "alistumist", mis jättis tema sõjalise diktatuuri puutumatuks ja isegi võimaldas tal säilitada osa sõjaaegsetest vallutustest. Lisaks soovisid Ameerika juhid sõda võimalikult kiiresti lõpetada. Oluline on meeles pidada, et juuli-august 1945 ei olnud veretu läbirääkimiste periood. Tegelikult ei peetud ikka veel avalikke läbirääkimisi. USA kannatas 1945. aasta juuli lõpus ja augusti alguses jätkuvalt hukkunuid, eriti Jaapani allveelaevade ja enesetapu "kamikaze" rünnakute tõttu, kasutades lennukeid ja kääbusallveelaevu. (Üks näide sellest on Indianapolis, mille Jaapani allveelaev uputas 29. juulil, vaid mõni päev pärast "Väikese poisi" Tinianile toimetamist. 1199 -liikmelisest meeskonnast jäi ellu vaid 316 meremeest.) Jaapani rahvas kannatas aga selleks ajaks palju rohkem. Jaapani õhurünnakud ja merepommitamine olid igapäevane nähtus ning esimesed näljahäda märgid hakkasid juba ilmnema.

Aatomipommi Jaapani linnale viskamise alternatiive oli palju, kuid vähesed sõjalised või poliitilised planeerijad arvasid, et need toovad soovitud tulemuse, vähemalt mitte kiiresti. Nad uskusid, et kiire pommirünnaku šokil oli parim võimalus töötada. Aatomipommi võimsuse demonstreerimine isoleeritud kohas oli võimalus, mida toetasid paljud Manhattani projekti teadlased, kuid jaapanlaste hoiatamine meeleavalduse eest võimaldaks neil proovida sissetulevat pommitajat kinni pidada või isegi Ameerika sõjavange määratud sihtmärgi juurde viia. Samuti, uraanipüstoli tüüpi pomm (õige) polnud kunagi testitud. Milline oleks reaktsioon, kui Ameerika Ühendriigid hoiataksid kohutava uue relva eest, et see osutuks lolliks, ja relva enda rusud on nüüd Jaapani käes? Teine võimalus oli oodata oodatavat Nõukogude sõjakuulutust lootuses, et see võib veenda Jaapanit tingimusteta alistuma, kuid Nõukogude deklaratsiooni oodati alles augusti keskpaigas ja Truman lootis vältida valitsuse "jagamist". Jaapan Nõukogude Liiduga. Blokeerimine koos tavapärase pommitamise jätkamisega võib lõpuks kaasa tuua ka sissetungita alistumise, kuid ei osatud öelda, kui kaua see aega võtab, kui see üldse toimib.

Ainus alternatiiv aatomipommile, mida Truman ja tema nõustajad arvasid kindlasti Jaapani alistumisele viivat, oli sissetung Jaapani kodusaartele. Plaanid olid selleks juba tublisti edasi arenenud, esialgne maandumine oli määratud sügisel ja talvel 1945–1946. Keegi ei teadnud, kui palju hukkusid sissetung, ameeriklased, liitlased ja jaapanlased, kuid hiljutine Okinawa saare hõivamine andis õõvastava vihje. Väikese saare vallutamise kampaania kestis üle kümne nädala ja lahingute tagajärjel hukkus üle 12 000 ameeriklase, 100 000 jaapanlase ja võib -olla veel 100 000 põliselanikku.

Nagu paljud inimesed, oli ka Truman šokeeritud Okinawal saadud tohututest kaotustest. Ameerika luurearuanded näitasid (õigesti), et kuigi Jaapan ei suutnud enam oma võimu välismaale mõtestatult kavandada, jättis ta kodumaa lõplikuks kaitseks kahe miljoni sõduri armee ja umbes 10 000 lennukit - pooled neist kamikazes. (Sõjajärgsete uuringute ajal said Ameerika Ühendriigid teada, et jaapanlased olid õigesti ette näinud, kus Kyushus esialgne maandumine aset leidis.) Kuigi Truman lootis, et aatomipomm võib anda USA -le sõjajärgse diplomaatia eelise, on väljavaade vältida uut aastat verine sõjapidamine võis lõpuks olla kõige tähtsam tema otsuses aatomipomm Jaapanile heita.

  • Sõda jõuab lõppfaasi, 1945
  • Arutelu pommi kasutamise üle, 1945. aasta hiliskevad
  • Kolmainsuse test, 16. juuli 1945
  • Ohutus ja kolmainsuse test, juuli 1945
  • Kolmainsuse hinnangud, juuli 1945
  • Potsdam ja lõplik otsus pommile, juuli 1945
  • Hiroshima aatomipommitamine, 6. august 1945
  • Nagasaki aatomipommitamine, 9. august 1945
  • Jaapan alistub, 10.-10. August 1945
  • Manhattani projekt ja Teine maailmasõda, 1939-1945

Eelmine Edasi


Sisu

CND praegused strateegilised eesmärgid on järgmised:

  • Briti tuumarelvade kaotamine ja tuumarelvade ülemaailmne kaotamine. See kampaaniad selle nimel, et Briti valitsus tühistaks programmi Trident ja oleks tuumarelvade Suurbritanniasse paigutamise vastu.
  • Massihävitusrelvade, eriti keemia- ja bioloogiliste relvade kaotamine. Samuti soovib CND keelustada vaesestatud uraani sisaldavate relvade tootmise, katsetamise ja kasutamise.
  • Tuumavaba, vähem militariseeritud ja turvalisem Euroopa. See toetab Euroopa Julgeoleku- ja Koostööorganisatsiooni (OSCE). See on vastu USA sõjaväebaasidele ja tuumarelvadele Euroopas ning Briti NATO -le kuulumisele.
  • Tuumaenergeetikatööstuse sulgemine. [3]

Viimastel aastatel on CND laiendanud oma kampaaniaid, et hõlmata vastuseisu USA ja Suurbritannia poliitikale Lähis-Idas, pigem laiendades oma tuumavastaseid kampaaniaid 1960ndatel, et hõlmata vastuseisu Vietnami sõjale. Koostöös Stop the War Coalitioni ja Suurbritannia moslemiliiduga on CND korraldanud sõjavastased rongkäigud loosungiga "Ära ründa Iraaki", sealhulgas meeleavaldused 28. septembril 2002 ja 15. veebruaril 2003. Samuti korraldas ta 2005. aasta Londoni pommiplahvatuste ohvrid.

CND kampaaniad Tridenti raketi vastu. 2007. aasta märtsis korraldas ta parlamendi väljakul meeleavalduse, mis langes kokku Commons'i ettepanekuga relvasüsteemi uuendada. Miitingul osales üle 1000 inimese. Seda käsitlesid leiboristide saadikud Jon Trickett, Emily Thornberry, John McDonnell, Michael Meacher, Diane Abbott ja Jeremy Corbyn, kes hääletasid Tridenti uuendamise vastu ning Elfyn Llwyd Plaid Cymru ja Angus MacNeil Šoti rahvusparteist. Alamkojas hääletas Tridenti uuendamise vastu 161 parlamendisaadikut (neist 88 leiboristid) ja valitsuse ettepanek võeti ellu ainult konservatiivide toel. [4]

2006. aastal alustas CND kampaaniat tuumaenergia vastu. Selle liikmeskond, mis 1983. aasta 110 000 tipphetkest oli langenud 32 000 -ni, kasvas kolm korda pärast seda, kui peaminister Tony Blair võttis kohustuse tuumaenergeetikale. [5]

CND asub Londonis ja tal on rahvusrühmad Walesis, Iirimaal ja Šotimaal, piirkondlikud rühmad Cambridgeshire'is, Cumbrias, East Midlandsis, Kentis, Londonis, Manchesteris, Merseyside'is, Mid Somersetis, Norwichis, Lõuna -Cheshire'is ja North Staffordshire'is, Lõuna -Inglismaal, Lõuna -Inglismaal Lääne -Inglismaa, Suffolk, Surrey, Sussex, Tyne and Wear, West Midlands ja Yorkshire ning kohalikud filiaalid.

Spetsialistide sektsioone on viis: ametiühingu CND, Christian CND, Labor CND, Green CND ja Ex-Services CND [6], millel on nõukogu esindusõigus. On ka parlamendi-, noorte- ja õpilasrühmi.

Esimene laine: 1957–1963 Edit

Tuumadesarmeerimise kampaania asutati 1957. aastal laialt levinud hirmu pärast tuumakonflikti ja tuumakatsetuste tagajärgede tõttu. 1950. aastate alguses sai Suurbritanniast USA ja NSV Liidu järel kolmas aatomijõud ning hiljuti katsetati H-pommi. [7]

Novembris 1957 kirjutas J. B. Priestley artiklile Uus riigimees ajakiri "Suurbritannia ja tuumapommid", [8] pooldab Suurbritannia ühepoolset tuumadesarmeerimist. Selles ütles ta:

Lihtsate sõnadega: nüüd, kui Suurbritannia on maailmale öelnud, et tal on H-pomm, peaks ta võimalikult varakult teatama, et on sellega hakkama saanud, ja teeb ettepaneku tuumasõda igal juhul tagasi lükata.

Artikkel ajendas paljusid toetuskirju ja kuu lõpus Uus riigimees, Kingsley Martin juhtis koosolekut Canon John Collinsi ruumides Amen Courtis, et käivitada tuumadesarmeerimise kampaania. Selle esimeheks valiti Collins, presidendiks Bertrand Russell ja korraldussekretäriks Peggy Duff. Selle täitevkomitee teised liikmed olid Martin, Priestley, Ritchie Calder, ajakirjanik James Cameron, Howard Davies, Michael Foot, Arthur Goss ja Joseph Rotblat. Kampaania käivitati 17. veebruaril 1958 Westminsteri keskhallis toimunud avalikul koosolekul, mida juhtis Collins ja mida käsitlesid Michael Foot, Stephen King-Hall, J. B. Priestley, Bertrand Russell ja A. J. P. Taylor. [9] Sellel osales 5000 inimest, kellest mõnisada demonstreerisid pärast üritust Downing Streetil. [10] [11]

Uus organisatsioon äratas avalikkuses märkimisväärset huvi ja seda toetasid mitmed huvid, sealhulgas teadlased, usujuhid, akadeemikud, ajakirjanikud, kirjanikud, näitlejad ja muusikud. Selle sponsoriteks olid John Arlott, Peggy Ashcroft, Birminghami piiskop dr JL Wilson, Benjamin Britten, vikont Chaplin, Michael de la Bédoyère, Bob Edwards, MP, Dame Edith Evans, ASFrere, Gerald Gardiner, QC, Victor Gollancz, Dr I Grunfeld, EM Forster, Barbara Hepworth, Patrick Heron, praost Trevor Huddleston, Sir Julian Huxley, Edward Hyams, Llandaffi piiskop dr Glyn Simon, Doris Lessing, Sir Compton Mackenzie, väga praost George McLeod, Miles Malleson, Denis Matthews , Sir Francis Meynell, Henry Moore, John Napper, Ben Nicholson, Sir Herbert Read, Flora Robson, Michael Tippett, karikaturist Vicky, professor CH Waddington ja Barbara Wootton. [12] Teised silmapaistvad CND asutajaliikmed olid Fenner Brockway, E. P. Thompson, A. J. P. Taylor, Anthony Greenwood, Jill Greenwood, Lord Simon, D. H. Pennington, Eric Baker ja Dora Russell. Organisatsioonid, kes olid varem Briti tuumarelvade vastu olnud, toetasid CND -d, sealhulgas Suurbritannia rahukomitee, otsese tegevuse komitee, [13] tuumarelvakatse kaotamise riiklik komitee [12] ja kveekerid. [14]

Samal aastal asutasid John de Courcy Ireland ja tema abikaasa Beatrice Iirimaa Vabariigis ka CND filiaali, mille eesmärk oli teha Iiri valitsusele kampaaniaid, et toetada rahvusvahelisi jõupingutusi tuumadesarmeerimise saavutamiseks ja hoida Iirimaa tuumavabana võimsus. [15] Iiri CND toetajate hulka kuulusid Peadar O'Donnell, Owen Sheehy-Skeffington ja Hubert Butler. [16]

CND moodustamine tähistas olulist muutust rahvusvahelises rahuliikumises, kus alates 1940. aastate lõpust oli domineerinud Nõukogude Kommunistliku Partei juhitud läänevastane organisatsioon World Peace Council (WPC). Kuna WPC-l oli suur eelarve ja ta korraldas kõrgetasemelisi rahvusvahelisi konverentse, samastati rahuliikumine kommunistliku eesmärgiga. [17] CND esindas ühtlustamata rahuliikumise kasvu ja selle eraldumist WPC -st.

Kuna 1959. aastal toimusid üldvalimised, mille leiboristid võitsid laialdaselt oodata, [18] nägid CND asutajad ette väljapaistvate isikute kampaaniat, et kindlustada valitsus, mis järgib selle poliitikat: tingimusteta loobumine tuumarelvade kasutamisest, tootmisest või sõltuvusest. Suurbritannia relvad ja üldise desarmeerimiskonventsiooni sõlmimine, millega peatatakse tuumarelvadega relvastatud lennukite lendamine, lõpetatakse tuumakatsetused, mis ei toimu raketibaasidega ega anna tuumarelvi ühelegi teisele riigile. [12]

1958. aasta ülestõusmispühal toetas CND pärast esialgset vastumeelsust marssi Londonist aatomirelvade uurimisasutusse Aldermastonis (52 miili kaugusel), mille oli korraldanud väike patsifistlik rühmitus Direct Action Committee. Seejärel korraldas CND iga -aastased lihavõttemarsid Aldermastonist Londonisse, millest sai toetajate tegevuse põhirõhk. 1959. aasta marsil osales 60 000 inimest ja 1961. ja 1962. aasta marsil 150 000 inimest. [19] [20] 1958. aasta marss oli Lindsay Andersoni dokumentaalfilm, Märtsil Aldermastonisse.

CND poolt kasutusele võetud sümbol, mille 1958 kujundas neile Gerald Holtom [12], sai rahvusvaheliseks rahu sümboliks. See põhineb semafoorisümbolitel "N" (kaks lippu, mida hoitakse mõlemal küljel 45 kraadi all, moodustades allosas kolmnurga) ja "D" (kaks lippu, üks pea kohal ja teine ​​jalgadel, moodustades vertikaali rida) (tuumadesarmeerimiseks) ringi sees. [21] Hiljem ütles Holtom, et see kujutab endast ka "meeleheitel olevat isikut, kelle käed on välja sirutatud väljapoole ja allapoole Goya talupoja kombel enne tulistamismeeskonda" (kuigi sellel maalil, Kolmas mai 1808, talupoeg hoiab tegelikult käest kinni ülespoole). [22] CND sümbol, Aldermastoni marss ja loosung „Keela pomm” said ikoonideks ja osaks 1960. aastate noortekultuurist.

CND toetajad jäid üldiselt poliitikas keskmesse. Umbes kolm neljandikku olid leiboristide valijad [14] ja paljud varajased täitevkomiteed olid tööerakondlased. [12] Tol ajal kirjeldati CND eetost kui "sisuliselt keskklassi radikaalsuse oma". [23]

Sel juhul kaotas Labor 1959. aasta valimised, kuid hääletas oma 1960. aasta konverentsil ühepoolse tuumadesarmeerimise poolt, mis kujutas endast CND suurimat mõju ja langes kokku avalikkuse kõrgeima toetusega tema programmile. [24] Resolutsioon võeti vastu partei juhtide soovidele vastu, kes keeldusid selle sidumisest ja asusid korraldama selle järgmisel konverentsil tühistamist. [25] Hugh Gaitskell, the Labour Party leader, promised to "fight, fight, and fight again" against the decision, which was duly overturned at the 1961 Conference. Labour's failure to win the election and its rejection of unilateralism upset CND's plans, and from about 1961 its prospects of success began to fade. It was said that from that time onward it lacked any clear idea of how nuclear disarmament was to be implemented and that its demonstrations had become ends in themselves. [26] The sociologist Frank Parkin said that, for many supporters, the question of implementation was of secondary importance anyway because, for them, involvement in the campaign was "an expressive activity in which the defence of principles was felt to have higher priority than 'getting things done'." [14] He suggested CND's survival in the face of its failure was explained by the fact that it provided "a rallying point and symbol for radicals", which was more important for them than "its manifest function of attempting to change the government's nuclear weapons policy." [14] Despite setbacks, it retained the support of a significant minority of the population and became a mass movement, with a network of autonomous branches and specialist groups and an increased participation in demonstrations until about 1963.

In 1960 Bertrand Russell resigned from the Campaign in order to form the Committee of 100, which became, in effect, the direct action wing of CND. Russell argued that direct action was necessary because the press was losing interest in CND and because the danger of nuclear war was so great that it was necessary to obstruct government preparations for it. [27] In 1958 CND had cautiously accepted direct action as a possible method of campaigning, [12] but, largely under the influence of its chairman, Canon Collins, the CND leadership opposed any sort of unlawful protest. The Committee of 100 was created as a separate organisation partly for that reason and partly because of personal animosity between Collins and Russell. Although the committee was supported by many in CND, it has been suggested [28] that the campaign against nuclear weapons was weakened by the friction between the two organisations. The Committee organised large sit-down demonstrations in London and at military bases. It later diversified into other political campaigns, including Biafra, the Vietnam war and housing in the UK. It was dissolved in 1968. When direct action came to the fore again in the 1980s, it was generally accepted by the peace movement as a normal part of protest. [29]

CND's executive committee did not give its supporters a voice in the Campaign until 1961, when a national council was formed and until 1966 it had no formal membership. The relationship between supporters and leaders was unclear, as was the relationship between the executive and the local branches. The executive committee's lack of authority made possible the inclusion within CND of a wide range of views, but it resulted in lengthy internal discussions and the adoption of contradictory resolutions at conferences. [26] There was friction between the founders, who conceived of CND as a campaign by eminent individuals focused on the Labour Party, and CND's supporters (including the more radical members of the executive committee), who saw it as an extra-parliamentary mass movement. Collins was unpopular with many supporters because of his strictly constitutional approach and found himself increasingly out of sympathy with the direction the movement was taking. [30] He resigned in 1964 and put his energies into the International Confederation for Disarmament and Peace. [31]

The Cuban Missile Crisis in the Autumn of 1962, in which the United States blockaded a Soviet attempt to put nuclear missiles on Cuba, created widespread public anxiety about imminent nuclear war and CND organised demonstrations on the issue. But six months after the crisis, a Gallup Poll found that public concern about nuclear weapons had fallen to its lowest point since 1957, [12] and there was a view (disputed by some CND supporters) [32] that US President John F. Kennedy's success in facing down Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev turned the British public away from the idea of unilateral nuclear disarmament.

On the 1963 Aldermaston march, a clandestine group calling itself Spies for Peace distributed leaflets about a secret government establishment, RSG 6, that the march was passing. The people behind Spies for Peace remain unknown, except for Nicholas Walter, a leading member of the Committee of 100. [33] The leaflet said that RSG 6 was to be the local HQ for a military dictatorship after nuclear war. A large group left the march, against the wishes of the CND leadership, to demonstrate at RSG 6. Later, when the march reached London, there were disorderly demonstrations in which anarchists were prominent, quickly deprecated in the press and in parliament. [12] In 1964 there was only a one-day march, partly because of the events of 1963 and partly because the logistics of the march, which had grown beyond all expectation, had exhausted the organisers. [10] The Aldermaston March was resumed in 1965.

Support for CND dwindled after the 1963 Test Ban Treaty, one of the things it had been campaigning for. From the mid-1960s, the anti-war movement's preoccupation with the Vietnam War tended to eclipse concern about nuclear weapons but CND continued to campaign against both.

Although CND has never formally allied itself to any political party and has never been an election campaigning body, CND members and supporters have stood for election at various times on a nuclear disarmament ticket. The nearest CND has come to having an electoral arm was the Independent Nuclear Disarmament Election Campaign (INDEC) which stood candidates in a few local elections during the 1960s. INDEC was never endorsed by CND nationally and candidates were generally put up by local branches as a means of raising the profile of the nuclear threat.

The Second Wave: 1980–1983 Edit

In the 1980s, CND underwent a major revival in response to the resurgence of the Cold War. Wave after wave of new members joined as the result of a growing antinuclear movement, the strong motivation of its membership, and criticism of CND objectives by the Thatcher government. [34] There was increasing tension between the superpowers following the deployment of SS20s in the Soviet Bloc countries, American Pershing missiles in Western Europe, and Britain's replacement of the Polaris armed submarine fleet with Trident missiles. [23] The NATO exercise Able Archer 83 also added to international tension.

CND's membership soared in the early 1980s it claimed 90,000 national members and a further 250,000 in local branches. "This made it one of the largest political organisations in Britain and probably the largest peace movement in the world (outside the state-sponsored movements of the communist bloc)." [23] Public support for unilateralism reached its highest level since the 1960s. [35] In October 1981, 250,000 people joined an anti-nuclear demonstration in London. CND's demonstration on the eve of Cruise missile deployment in October 1983 was one of the largest in British history, [23] with 300,000 taking part in London as three million protested across Europe. [36]

Glastonbury Festival played a key cultural role in this period. The festival's long-term campaigning relationships have been with CND (1981–1990), Greenpeace (1992 onwards), and Oxfam (because of its campaigning against the arms trade), as well as the establishment of the Green Fields as a regular and expanding eco-feature of the festival (from 1984 on). The radical peace movement and the rise of the greens in Britain are interwoven at Glastonbury. The festival has offered these campaigns and groups space on-site to publicise and disseminate their ideas, and it has ploughed large sums of money from the festival profits into them, as well as other causes. June 1981 saw the first Glastonbury CND Festival, and over the 1980s as a decade Glastonbury raised around £1m for CND. The CND logo topped Glastonbury's pyramid stage, while publicity regularly proclaimed proudly: 'This Event is the most effective Anti-Nuclear Fund Raiser in Europe’. [37]

New sections were formed, including Ex-services CND, Green CND, Student CND, Tories Against Cruise and Trident (TACT), Trade Union CND, and Youth CND. More women than men supported CND. [10] The campaign attracted supporters who opposed the Government's civil defence plans as outlined in an official booklet, Protect and Survive. This publication was ridiculed in a popular pamphlet, Protest and Survive, by E. P. Thompson, a leading anti-nuclear campaigner of the period.

The British anti-nuclear movement at this time differed from that of the 1960s. Many groups sprang up independently of CND, some affiliating later. CND's previous objection to civil disobedience was dropped and it became a normal part of anti-nuclear protest. The women's movement had a strong influence, much of it emanating from the Greenham Common Women's Peace Camp, [10] followed by Molesworth People's Peace Camp.

A network of protesters, calling itself Cruise Watch, tracked and harassed Cruise missiles whenever they were carried on public roads. After a while, the missiles traveled only at night under police escort.

At its 1982 conference, the Labour Party adopted a policy of unilateral nuclear disarmament. It lost the 1983 general election "in which, following the Falklands war, foreign policy was high on the agenda. Election defeats under, first, Michael Foot, then Neil Kinnock, led Labour to abandon the policy in the late 1980s." [38] The re-election of a Conservative government in 1983 and the defeat of left-wing parties in continental Europe "made the deployment of Cruise missiles inevitable and the movement again began to lose steam." [23]

Liikmelisus Muuda

Until 1967, supporters joined local branches and there was no national membership. An academic study of CND gives the following membership figures from 1967 onwards: [39]

  • 1967: 1,500
  • 1968: 3,037
  • 1969: 2,173
  • 1970: 2,120
  • 1971: 2,047
  • 1972: 2,389
  • 1973: 2,367
  • 1974: 2,350
  • 1975: 2,536
  • 1976: 3,220
  • 1977: 2,168
  • 1978: 3,220
  • 1979: 4,287
  • 1980: 9,000
  • 1981: 20,000
  • 1982: 50,000

Under Joan Ruddock's chairmanship from 1981 to 1985, CND said its membership rose from 20,000 to 460,000. [40] The BBC said that in 1985 CND had 110,000 members [41] and in 2006, 32,000. [41] The organisation reported a rapid increase in membership after Jeremy Corbyn, a prominent member, became leader of the Labour Party in 2015. [42]

As of 2020, the UK Membership was around 35,000

Opinion polls Edit

As it did not have a national membership until 1967, the strength of public support in its early days can be estimated only from the numbers of those attending demonstrations or expressing approval in opinion polls. Polls on a number of related issues have been taken over the past fifty years.

  • Between 1955 and 1962, between 19% and 33% of people in Britain expressed disapproval of the manufacture of nuclear weapons. [43]
  • Public support for unilateralism in September 1982 was 31%, falling to 21% in January 1983, but it is hard to say whether this decline was a result of the contemporary propaganda campaign against CND or not. [35]
  • Support for CND fell after the end of the Cold war. It had not succeeded in converting the British public to unilateralism and even after the collapse of the Soviet Union British nuclear weapons still have majority support. [35] "Unilateral disarmament has always been opposed by a majority of the British public, with the level of support for unilateralism remaining steady at around one in four of the population." [24][44]
  • In 2005, MORI conducted an opinion poll which asked about attitudes to Trident and the use of nuclear weapons. When asked whether the UK should replace Trident, without being told of the cost, 44% of respondents said "Yes" and 46% said "No". When asked the same question and told of the cost, the proportion saying "Yes" fell to 33% and the proportion saying "No" increased to 54%. [45]
  • In the same poll, MORI asked "Would you approve or disapprove of the UK using nuclear weapons against a country we are at war with?". 9% approved if that country did not have nuclear weapons, and 84% disapproved. 16% approved if that country had nuclear weapons but never used them, and 72% disapproved. 53% approved if that country used nuclear weapons against the UK, and 37% disapproved. [45]
  • CND's policy of opposing American nuclear bases is said to be in tune with public opinion. [23]

On three occasions the Labour Party, when in opposition, has been significantly influenced by CND in the direction of unilateral nuclear disarmament. Between 1960 and 1961 it was official Party policy although the Labour leader Hugh Gaitskell opposed the decision and succeeded in quickly reversing it. In 1980 long time CND supporter Michael Foot became Labour Party leader and in 1982 succeeded in changing official Labour policy in line with his views. After losing the 1983 and 1987 general elections Labour leader Neil Kinnock persuaded the party to abandon unilateralism in 1989. [46] In 2015 another long time CND supporter, Jeremy Corbyn was elected leader of the Labour Party, although the official Labour policy did not change in line with his views. [47]

CND's growing support in the 1980s provoked opposition from several sources, including Peace Through Nato, the British Atlantic Committee (which received government funding), [48] Women and Families for Defence (set up by Conservative journalist and later MP Lady Olga Maitland to oppose the Greenham Common Peace Camp), the Conservative Party's Campaign for Defence and Multilateral Disarmament, the Coalition for Peace through Security, the Foreign Affairs Research Institute, and The 61, a private sector intelligence agency. The British government also took direct steps to counter the influence of CND, Secretary of State for Defence Michael Heseltine setting up Defence Secretariat 19 "to explain to the public the facts about the Government's policy on deterrence and multilateral disarmament". [49] The activities of anti-CND organisations are said to have included research, publication, mobilising public opinion, counter-demonstrations, working within the Churches, smears against CND leaders and spying.

In an article on anti-CND groups, Stephen Dorril reported that in 1982 Eugene V. Rostow, Director of the US Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, became concerned about the growing unilateralist movement. According to Dorril, Rostow helped to initiate a propaganda exercise in Britain, "aimed at neutralising the efforts of CND. It would take three forms: mobilising public opinion, working within the Churches, and a 'dirty tricks' operation against the peace groups." [50]

One of the groups set up to carry out this work was the Coalition for Peace through Security (CPS), modelled on the US Coalition for Peace through Strength. The CPS was founded in 1981. Its main activists were Julian Lewis, Edward Leigh and Francis Holihan. [50] Amongst the activities of the CPS were commissioning Gallup polls [51] which showed the levels of support for British possession of nuclear weapons, providing speakers at public meetings, highlighting the left-wing affiliations of leading CND figures and mounting counter-demonstrations against CND. These including haranguing CND marchers from the roof of the CPS's Whitehall office and flying a plane over a CND festival with a banner reading, "Help the Soviets, Support CND!" [52] The CPS attracted criticism for refusing to say where its funding came from while alleging that the anti-nuclear movement was funded by the Soviet Union. [53] Although the CPS called itself a grass-roots movement, it had no members and was financed by The 61, [52] "a private sector operational intelligence agency" [54] said by its founder, Brian Crozier, to be funded by "rich individuals and a few private companies". [55] It is said to have also received funding from the Heritage Foundation. [56]

The CPS claimed that Bruce Kent, the general secretary of CND and a Catholic priest, was a supporter of IRA terrorism. [52] Kent alleged in his autobiography that Francis Holihan spied on CND. Dorril claimed [50]

that Holihan had organised aerial propaganda, had entered CND offices under false pretences, and that CPS workers had joined CND in order to gain access to the Campaign's 1982 Annual Conference. When Bruce Kent went on a speaking tour of America, Holihan followed him around. Offensive material on Kent was sent to newspapers and radio stations, and demonstrations were organised against him with support from the College Republican Committee.

Gerald Vaughan, a government minister, tried to halve government funding for the Citizens Advice Bureau, apparently because Joan Ruddock, CND's chair, was employed part-time at his local bureau. Bruce Kent was warned by Cardinal Basil Hume not to become too involved in politics.

Some of CND's opponents claimed that CND was a communist or Soviet-dominated organisation, a charge its supporters denied.

In 1981, the Foreign Affairs Research Institute, which shared an office with the CPS, was said by Sanity, the CND newspaper, to have published a booklet claiming that Russian money was being used by CND. [50] Lord Chalfont claimed that the Soviet Union was giving the European peace movement £100 million a year, to which Bruce Kent responded, "If they were, it was certainly not getting to our grotty little office in Finsbury Park." [57] In the 1980s, the Federation of Conservative Students (FCS) claimed that one of CND's elected officers, Dan Smith, was a communist. CND sued for defamation and the FCS settled on the second day of the trial, apologised and paid damages and costs. [58]

The British journalist Charles Moore reported a conversation he had with the Soviet double agent Oleg Gordievsky after the death of leading Labour politician Michael Foot. As editor of the newspaper Tribüün, says Moore, Foot was regularly visited by KGB agents who identified themselves as diplomats and gave him money. "A leading supporter of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, Foot . passed on what he knew about debates over nuclear weapons. In return, the KGB gave him drafts of articles encouraging British disarmament which he could then edit and publish, unattributed to their real source, in Tribüün." [59] Foot had received libel damages from the Sunday Times for a similar claim made during his lifetime. [60]

The security service (MI5) carried out surveillance of CND members it considered to be subversive and from the late 1960s until the mid-1970s it designated CND as subversive by virtue of its being "communist-controlled". [61] Communists have played an active role in the organisation, and John Cox, its chairman from 1971 to 1977, was a member of the Communist Party of Great Britain [ tsiteerimine vajalik ] but from the late 1970s, MI5 downgraded CND from "communist-controlled" to "communist-penetrated". [62]

In 1985, Cathy Massiter, an MI5 officer who had been responsible for the surveillance of CND from 1981 to 1983, resigned and made disclosures to a Channel 4 20/20 Vision programme, "MI5's Official Secrets". [63] [64] She said that her work was determined more by the political importance of CND than by any security threat posed by subversive elements within it. In 1983, she analysed telephone intercepts on John Cox that gave her access to conversations with Joan Ruddock and Bruce Kent. MI5 also placed a spy, Harry Newton, in the CND office. According to Massiter, Newton believed that CND was controlled by extreme left-wing activists and that Bruce Kent might be a crypto-communist, but Massiter found no evidence to support either opinion. [61] On the basis of Ruddock's contacts, MI5 suspected her of being a communist sympathiser. Speaking in the House of Commons, Dale Campbell-Savours, MP, said:

it was felt within the service that officers were likely to be questioned about the true political affiliation of Mrs. Joan Ruddock, who became chair of CND in 1983. It was fully recognised by the service that she had no subversive affiliations and therefore should not be recorded under any of the usual subversive categories. In fact, she was recorded as a contact of a hostile intelligence service after giving an interview to a Soviet journalist based in London who was suspected of being a KGB intelligence officer. In Joan Ruddock's file, MI5 recorded special branch references to her movements—usually public meetings—and kept press cuttings and the products of mail and telephone intercepts obtained through active investigation of other targets, such as the Communist party and John Cox. There were police reports recording her appearances at demonstrations or public meetings. There were references to her also in reports from agents working, for example, in the Communist party. These would also appear in her file. [64]

According to Stephen Dorril, at about the same time, Special Branch officers recruited an informant within CND, Stanley Bonnett, on the instructions of MI5. [56] MI5 is also said to have suspected CND's treasurer, Cathy Ashton, of being a communist sympathiser because she shared a house with a communist. [56] When Michael Heseltine became Secretary of State for Defence in 1983, Massiter was asked to provide information for Defence Secretariat 19 (DS19) about leading CND personnel but was instructed to include only information from published sources. Ruddock claims that DS19 released distorted information regarding her political party affiliations to the media and Conservative Party candidates. [65]

MI5 says that it does not now investigate this area. [62]

Brian Crozier claimed in his book Free Agent: The Unseen War 1941–1991 (Harper Collins, 1993) that The 61 infiltrated a mole into CND in 1979. [56]

In 1990, it was discovered in the archive of the Stasi (the state security service of the former German Democratic Republic) that a member of CND's governing council, Vic Allen, had passed information to them about CND. This discovery was made public in a BBC TV programme in 1999, reviving debate about Soviet links to CND. Allen stood against Joan Ruddock for the leadership of CND in 1985, but was defeated. Ruddock responded to the Stasi revelations by saying that Allen "certainly had no influence on national CND, and as a pro-Soviet could never have succeeded to the chair," and that "CND was as opposed to Soviet nuclear weapons as Western ones." [66] [67]


Tsiviilkaitse

In response to this threat, the government encouraged the American public to build fallout shelters in case of a nuclear attack. In a 1961 radio address, President Kennedy asserted, “In the event of an attack, the lives of those families which are not hit in a nuclear blast and fire can still be saved - if they can be warned to take shelter and if that shelter is available. We owe that kind of insurance to our families - and to our country.” The government also created numerous short civil defense films. To watch one such film from 1963, click here.

The government also instituted civil defense training for children. Although it predated the age of fallout, Duck and Cover (1952) featured the animated cartoon of “Bert the Turtle,” an icon of the civil defense era. Children practiced “duck and cover” exercises regularly in school. As activist Todd Gitlin remembered:

Every so often, out of the blue, a teacher would pause in the middle of class and call out, “Take cover!” We knew, then, to scramble under our miniature desks and to stay there, cramped, heads folded under our arms, until the teacher called out, “All clear!” Who knew what to believe? Under the desks and crouched in the hallways, terrors were ignited, existentialists were made. Whether or not we believed that hiding under a school desk or in a hallway was really going to protect us from the furies of an atomic blast, we could never quite take for granted that the world we had been born into was destined to endure. (109)

Civil defense also made its way to Hollywood. During a Cabinet meeting in December 1961, Leo Hoegh, the federal administrator of civil defense, criticized Rannas as “very harmful because it produced a feeling of utter hopelessness, thus undermining OCDM’s [Office of Civil Defense Management] efforts to encourage preparedness.” State Department and U.S. Information Agency analysis added that its “strong emotional appeal for banning nuclear weapons could conceivably lead audiences to think in terms of radical solutions rather than practical safeguarded disarmament measures” (Fallout, 110).

The U.S. government preferred Hollywood films such as Panic in the Year Zero (1962). In the movie, the Baldwin family is going on a trip when they see strange flashes of light and then hear via CONELRAD (CONtrol of ELectronic RADiation, the emergency broadcast system used during this era) that Los Angeles has been bombed. Harry, the father, knows what to do in this emergency. He gathers supplies quickly, gets off the road, and keeps his family safe. At the end, the family is stopped by men with machine guns who turn out to be the U.S. military. “Thank God! It’s the Army!” declares Harry.


An “open world”

Early on during his exile, Bohr became convinced that the existence of the bomb would “not only seem to necessitate but should also, due to the urgency of mutual confidence, facilitate a new approach to the problems of international relationship.” The first step toward avoiding a postwar nuclear arms race would be to inform the ally in the war, the Soviet Union, of the project. Bohr set out on a solitary campaign, during which he even succeeded in obtaining personal interviews with British Prime Minister Winston Churchill and U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt. He was unable to convince either of them of his viewpoint, however, instead being suspected by Churchill of spying for the Russians. After the war, Bohr persisted in his mission for what he called an “open world” between nations, continuing his confidential contact with statesmen and writing an open letter to the United Nations in 1950.

Bohr was allowed to return home only after the atomic bomb had been dropped on Japan in August 1945. In Denmark he was greeted as a hero, some newspapers even welcoming him with pride as the Dane who had invented the atomic bomb. He continued to run and expand his institute, and he was central in postwar institution building for physics. On a national scale, he took a major part in establishing the research facility at Risø, near Roskilde, only a few miles outside Copenhagen, created in order to prepare the introduction of nuclear power in Denmark, which, however, has never occurred. Internationally, he took part in the establishment of CERN, the European experimental particle physics facility near Geneva, Switzerland, as well as of the Nordic Institute for Atomic Physics (Nordita) adjacent to his institute. Bohr left behind an unsurpassed scientific legacy, as well as an institute that remains one of the leading centres for theoretical physics in the world.


When did enscribing messages on bombs first happen? - Ajalugu

Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, Sunday, December 7, 1941

Aboard a Japanese carrier before the attack on Pearl Harbor, crew members cheer departing pilots. Below: A photo taken from a Japanese plane during the attack shows vulnerable American battleships, and in the distance, smoke rising from Hickam Airfield where 35 men having breakfast in the mess hall were killed after a direct bomb hit.

________________________________________________________

Above: The USS Shaw explodes during the Japanese air raid. Below Left: The battleship USS Arizona after a bomb penetrated into the forward magazine causing massive explosions and killing 1,104 men. Below Right: Dousing the flames on the battleship USS West Virginia, which survived and was rebuilt.

Sequence of Events

Saturday, December 6 - Washington D.C. - U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt makes a final appeal to the Emperor of Japan for peace. There is no reply. Late this same day, the U.S. code-breaking service begins intercepting a 14-part Japanese message and deciphers the first 13 parts, passing them on to the President and Secretary of State. The Americans believe a Japanese attack is imminent, most likely somewhere in Southeast Asia.

Sunday, December 7 - Washington D.C. - The last part of the Japanese message, stating that diplomatic relations with the U.S. are to be broken off, reaches Washington in the morning and is decoded at approximately 9 a.m. About an hour later, another Japanese message is intercepted. It instructs the Japanese embassy to deliver the main message to the Americans at 1 p.m. The Americans realize this time corresponds with early morning time in Pearl Harbor, which is several hours behind. The U.S. War Department then sends out an alert but uses a commercial telegraph because radio contact with Hawaii is temporarily broken. Delays prevent the alert from arriving at headquarters in Oahu until noontime (Hawaii time) four hours after the attack has already begun.

Sunday, December 7 - Islands of Hawaii, near Oahu - The Japanese attack force under the command of Admiral Nagumo, consisting of six carriers with 423 planes, is about to attack. At 6 a.m., the first attack wave of 183 Japanese planes takes off from the carriers located 230 miles north of Oahu and heads for the U.S. Pacific Fleet at Pearl Harbor.

Pearl Harbor - At 7:02 a.m., two Army operators at Oahu's northern shore radar station detect the Japanese air attack approaching and contact a junior officer who disregards their reports, thinking they are American B-17 planes which are expected in from the U.S. west coast.

Near Oahu - At 7:15 a.m., a second attack wave of 167 planes takes off from the Japanese carriers and heads for Pearl Harbor.

Pearl Harbor is not on a state on high alert. Senior commanders have concluded, based on available intelligence, there is no reason to believe an attack is imminent. Aircraft are therefore left parked wingtip to wingtip on airfields, anti-aircraft guns are unmanned with many ammunition boxes kept locked in accordance with peacetime regulations. There are also no torpedo nets protecting the fleet anchorage. And since it is Sunday morning, many officers and crewmen are leisurely ashore.

At 7:53 a.m., the first Japanese assault wave, with 51 'Val' dive bombers, 40 'Kate' torpedo bombers, 50 high level bombers and 43 'Zero' fighters, commences the attack with flight commander, Mitsuo Fuchida, sounding the battle cry: "Tora! Tora! Tora!" (Tiger! Tiger! Tiger!).

The Americans are taken completely by surprise. The first attack wave targets airfields and battleships. The second wave targets other ships and shipyard facilities. The air raid lasts until 9:45 a.m. Eight battleships are damaged, with five sunk. Three light cruisers, three destroyers and three smaller vessels are lost along with 188 aircraft. The Japanese lose 27 planes and five midget submarines which attempted to penetrate the inner harbor and launch torpedoes.

Escaping damage from the attack are the prime targets, the three U.S. Pacific Fleet aircraft carriers, Lexington, Enterprise and Saratoga, which were not in the port. Also escaping damage are the base fuel tanks.

The casualty list includes 2,335 servicemen and 68 civilians killed, with 1,178 wounded. Included are 1,104 men aboard the B attleship USS Arizona killed after a 1,760-pound air bomb penetrated into the forward magazine causing catastrophic explosions.

In Washington, various delays prevent the Japanese diplomats from presenting their war message to Secretary of State, Cordell Hull, until 2:30 p.m. (Washington time) just as the first reports of the air raid at Pearl Harbor are being read by Hull.

News of the "sneak attack" is broadcast to the American public via radio bulletins, with many popular Sunday afternoon entertainment programs being interrupted. The news sends a shockwave across the nation and results in a tremendous influx of young volunteers into the U.S. armed forces. The attack also unites the nation behind the President and effectively ends isolationist sentiment in the country.

Monday, December 8 - The United States and Britain declare war on Japan with President Roosevelt calling December 7, "a date which will live in infamy. & quot

Thursday, December 11 - Germany and Italy declare war on the United States. The European and Southeast Asian wars have now become a global conflict with the Axis powers Japan, Germany and Italy, united against America, Britain, France, and their Allies.

Wednesday, December 17 - Admiral Chester W. Nimitz becomes the new commander of the U.S. Pacific Fleet.

Both senior commanders at Pearl Harbor Navy Admiral Husband E. Kimmel, and Army Lt. General Walter C. Short, were relieved of their duties following the attack. Subsequent investigations will fault the men for failing to adopt adequate defense measures.

Copyright © 1997 The History Place™ All Rights Reserved

(Photo credits: U.S. National Archives)

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Fission

The isotopes uranium-235 and plutonium-239 were selected by the atomic scientists because they readily undergo fission. Fission occurs when a neutron strikes the nucleus of either isotope, splitting the nucleus into fragments and releasing a tremendous amount of energy. The fission process becomes self-sustaining as neutrons produced by the splitting of atom strike nearby nuclei and produce more fission. This is known as a chain reaction and is what causes an atomic explosion.

When a uranium-235 atom absorbs a neutron and fissions into two new atoms, it releases three new neutrons and some binding energy. Two neutrons do not continue the reaction because they are lost or absorbed by a uranium-238 atom. However, one neutron does collide with an atom of uranium-235, which then fissions and releases two neutrons and some binding energy. Both of those neutrons collide with uranium-235 atoms, each of which fission and release between one and three neutrons, and so on. This causes a nuclear chain reaction. For more on this topic, see Nuclear Fission.


Oklahoma City bombing

Meie toimetajad vaatavad teie esitatud teabe üle ja otsustavad, kas artiklit muuta.

Oklahoma City bombing, terrorist attack in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, U.S., on April 19, 1995, in which a massive homemade bomb composed of more than two tonnes of ammonium nitrate fertilizer and fuel oil concealed in a rental truck exploded, heavily damaging the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building. A total of 168 people were killed, including 19 children, and more than 500 were injured. The building was later razed, and a park was built on the site. The bombing remained the deadliest terrorist assault on U.S. soil until the attacks on the World Trade Center in New York City and the Pentagon outside Washington, D.C., in 2001. (Vt September 11 attacks.)

Although at first suspicion wrongly focused on Middle Eastern terrorist groups, attention quickly centred on Timothy McVeigh—who had been arrested shortly after the explosion for a traffic violation—and his friend Terry Nichols. Both were former U.S. Army soldiers and were associated with the extreme right-wing and militant Patriot movement. Two days after the bombing and shortly before he was to be released for his traffic violation, McVeigh was identified and charged as a suspect, and Nichols later voluntarily surrendered to police. McVeigh was convicted on 11 counts of murder, conspiracy, and using a weapon of mass destruction and was executed in 2001—the first person executed for a federal crime in the United States since 1963. Nichols avoided the death penalty but was convicted of conspiracy and eight counts of involuntary manslaughter and sentenced to life in prison. Other associates were convicted of failing to inform authorities about their prior knowledge of the conspiracy, and some observers believed that still other participants were involved in the attack.

Although McVeigh and Nichols were not directly connected with any major political group, they held views characteristic of the broad Patriot movement, which feared authoritarian plots by the U.S. federal government and corporate elites. At its most extreme, the Patriot movement denied the legitimacy of the federal government and law enforcement. One manifestation of the rightist upsurge was the formation of armed militia groups, which, according to some sources, claimed a national membership of about 30,000 by the mid-1990s. The militias justified their existence by claiming a right to armed self-defense against an allegedly oppressive government. In this context, the date of the Oklahoma City attack was doubly significant, falling on two notable anniversaries. April 19 marked both Patriots’ Day, the anniversary of the American rebellion against British authority at Lexington, Massachusetts, in 1775, and the date on which federal agents brought the Waco siege to a culmination by raiding the compound of the heavily armed Branch Davidian religious sect in Waco, Texas, in 1993. McVeigh claimed that the building in Oklahoma City was targeted to avenge the more than 70 deaths at Waco. Following the Oklahoma City attack, media and law enforcement officials began intense investigations of the militia movement and other armed extremist groups.

Speaking at a nationally televised memorial service in Oklahoma City a few days after the attack, U.S. Pres. Bill Clinton said, in part,

To all my fellow Americans beyond this hall, I say, one thing we owe those who have sacrificed is the duty to purge ourselves of the dark forces which gave rise to this evil. They are forces that threaten our common peace, our freedom, our way of life.

Let us teach our children that the God of comfort is also the God of righteousness. Those who trouble their own house will inherit the wind. Justice will prevail.

A chain-link fence that was erected shortly after the bombing to protect the site soon became a makeshift memorial to those killed in the incident and was festooned with condolence messages, poems, and countless other mementos. That fence became part of the permanent Outdoor Symbolic Memorial (which also includes a reflecting pool and a field of 168 empty chairs) that was dedicated in 2000. A year later the museum portion of Oklahoma City National Memorial and Museum was opened.


East African Embassy Bombings

On August 7, 1998, nearly simultaneous bombs blew up in front of the American embassies in Nairobi, Kenya, and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Two hundred and twenty-four people died in the blasts, including 12 Americans, and more than 4,500 people were wounded.

In the aftermath of the attacks, over 900 FBI agents alone—and many more FBI employees—traveled overseas to assist in the recovery of evidence and the identification of victims at the bomb sites and to track down the perpetrators.

These attacks were soon directly linked to al Qaeda. To date, more than 20 people have been charged in connection with the bombings. Several of these individuals—including Usama bin Laden—have been killed. Six are serving life sentences in U.S. prison, and a few others are awaiting trial.

The KENBOM and TANBOM investigations—as the FBI calls them—represented at that time the largest deployment in Bureau history. They led to ramped up anti-terror efforts by the United States and by the FBI, including an expanded Bureau overseas presence that can quickly respond to acts of terrorism that involve Americans.

The investigation continues, with the following fugitives still wanted for their alleged roles in the attacks:


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